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14 December 2016
Mr President,
Madam Chair of the Commission,
Excellencies,
Colleagues and friends,
I welcome the convening of this Special Session, which honours the Council’s commitment to addressing the most critical human rights situations.
The people of South Sudan have by now endured three full years of wanton conflict. Killings, sexual violence, ill-treatment, abductions, forcible recruitment and the looting and destruction of homes and villages are taking place on a massive scale across many parts of the country. Over 2 million people have been forced to leave their lands and homes. More than one million have fled to neighbouring countries, while within the country, over 200,000 are sheltering from the belligerents in “protection of civilians” bases adjacent to UN compounds.
South Sudan’s economy has been ravaged. Some 4.8 million people, stripped of resources, face the very real spectre of severe food insecurity and famine. Infrastructure, healthcare and education systems are in advanced stages of collapse. The work of humanitarian agencies has been repeatedly impeded by both government and armed opposition forces, including violent attacks, abductions, denials of access and demands for illicit payments. More than 65 humanitarian staff have been killed since the outbreak of conflict in 2013. The appalling attack on humanitarian staff in July demonstrated the acute challenges of this security context, and led a number of humanitarian personnel to leave the country.
The levels of sexual violence related to this conflict are shocking. According to a survey by UNFPA last June, 70% of women at one protection of civilians site in Juba reported having suffered sexual assault. Gang rape on such a scale is not the act of a few "rogue elements," as the authorities frequently imply. All armed actors in the country appear to be responsible, and I urge close examination by relevant mechanisms of issues of command responsibility within both Government forces and the SPLA. Cases of sexual slavery have been reported, as well as the sexual assault of children. In many cases this sexual violence has appeared to be targeted at members of particular ethnic groups, or on the basis of perceived political affiliation.
Other human rights violations are widespread, including arbitrary arrests, abduction, prolonged and arbitrary detention, forced displacement of civilians and infringement of the rights to freedom of movement, expression and opinion. I am deeply concerned by multiple allegations that human rights defenders, journalists and civil society actors have been targeted by the security services because of their work, including reports of reprisals against people who engaged with members of the Security Council during their visit to South Sudan in September.
In recent months, many leaders from across the political spectrum have intensified calls to ethnic animosity, and repeated surges of violence have set off waves of revenge and counter-revenge across an increasingly broad swathe of territory. For example, following an attack on SPLA soldiers on 12 July in Yei, in Equatoria province, the SPLA launched a series of revenge attacks against civilians in the surrounding zone. Credible reports suggest a number of atrocities against civilians in Yei can be attributed to armed militia formed by mainly Dinka youth, and may have been ethnically targeted.
With the beginning of the dry season, South Sudan teeters on the brink of a disaster. Weather conditions mean unidentified armed groups, militia and bandits can roam more swiftly across the landscape and there is high potential for clashes between Government forces and armed group fighters on multiple fronts. Many South Sudanese have lost faith in the peace process, which has been stalled following a number of breakdowns. Reports from the field indicate increasingly intense arming, recruitment and training of military forces by both main parties to the ongoing armed conflict across a steadily growing number of zones. Many fear conditions are in place for the conflict to take on a stronger ethnic dimension and escalate into massive and generalised violence.
At the same time, we have recently noted that when some local leaders have intervened to halt hate speech, this has led to decreasing threats of violence. In other words, there may still be some space for consequential action to pull the country back from a worst-case scenario – and this Council has the opportunity for real impact.
Mr President,
I urge the Council to use all possible means within its remit to discourage violence and push for peaceful dialogue in South Sudan. The highest priority must urgently be given to protection for those most at risk from killings, sexual violence and other serious human rights violations. And it is time for all national and regional actors to advocate decisively for a political process that is both inclusive and implemented on the ground. I encourage this Council to call on IGAD, the African Union and other key actors to bring all possible influence to bear on the parties.
I also urge you to call on South Sudan’s leaders to refrain from incitement to violence and ethnic hatred. I encourage UNMISS to continue to monitor hate speech, acts of violence and other indicators of potential mass atrocities. This will allow various actors, including this Council, to take appropriate action to expose those responsible and advocate for their accountability.
The knowledge that accountability structures exist and will be deployed against the perpetrators of mass atrocities can have real preventive impact. I urge the African Union to quickly establish the hybrid court envisaged under the Peace Agreement ,with a strong focus on command responsibility for atrocities, including conflict related sexual violence and ethnically based violence. Alongside all UN partners, my Office stands ready to support the establishment of the hybrid court by assisting it to comply with international human rights standards.
In closing, permit me to emphasise my appreciation for the work of my staff and others who continue to monitor the human rights situation in South Sudan, and provide humanitarian assistance to large numbers of people in highly challenging circumstances. I deplore the restrictions imposed on their work by security considerations as well as by government authorities, and I condemn the increasing threats of reprisals against witnesses, victims and sources who contact my Office, and other actors, for help.
Thank you.
14 December 2014
Mr. President, Excellencies, Distinguished delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am delivering this statement on behalf of the Coordination Committee of Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council.
Since armed conflict broke out in South Sudan in December 2013, violence has continued unabated leading to an ever accelerating and alarming downward spiral of the situation of human rights – especially since the July 2016 violence that resulted from the political crisis –, resulting in grave violations and abuses of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, disproportionally impacting on women and children of all ages.
Reports of atrocious attacks on civilians, widespread use of sexual and gender-based violence, in particular the use of rape as a tool for ethnic cleansing, forced recruitment of children by armed groups, arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforced disappearances – including of children, torture and ill-treatment, extrajudicial and summary executions – “revenge killings” –, targeting of minority groups, internally displaced persons, civil society organizations, human rights defenders, journalists, humanitarian workers and UN personnel as well as of displacement sites, hospitals, schools and places of worship in a context of increasing ethnic polarization and absolute impunity are clear warning signs we cannot afford to ignore.
Mr. President,
Already in November 2013, prior to the outbreak of the armed conflict, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of internally displaced persons, Mr. Chaloka Beyani, while visiting the Republic of South Sudan, noticed that ethnically driven displacement was occurring in some parts of the country and that political tensions with ethnic undertones were high, hinting at a failure of the protection system in the country. Mr. Beyani’s observations went unheard as three years later the situation in the country very much resembles that of Rwanda preceding the 1994 genocide. This time around the international community must not fail to prevent the same atrocities from happening.
Mr. President,
While the signing of a peace agreement in August 2015, promising among others the set-up of a hybrid court and transitional justice process, and leading to the establishment of the Transitional Government of National Unity should have been a sign of hope for the youngest country in the world, instead we have witnessed a lack of implementation of the commitments made and a complete breakdown in the political process.
Of particular concern is, as noted by the Security Council and the Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng, the pattern of human rights violations and abuses committed by the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLA) and Opposition forces, members of the National Security Service and police officers. While all parties are responsible for preventing human rights abuses, we recall that the State has the obligation to ensure respect for human rights and international law, and exercise due diligence in order to prevent abuses by non-State actors and hold those responsible accountable.
We urge the Government and all parties to the conflict to abide by the peace agreement and immediately cease all hostilities, protect civilians and punish perpetrators. We further urgently call on President Salva Kiir and former Vice-President Riek Machar to refrain from making inflammatory speeches that could contribute to ethnic violence and instead publicly condemn all such violence leading to human rights violations and abuses, and call for their immediate end.
Mr. President,
The ongoing crisis has led to a serious deterioration in the food security situation risking famine. During the year 2016, OCHA has provided humanitarian assistance to 4.1 million persons in need in South Sudan. Since the outbreak of the conflict, 1.87 million people have been displaced within South Sudan and a further 1.15 million people have fled to neighbouring countries. The safety and security of these persons must be the absolute priority and we condemn the targeted attacks against them as well as humanitarian actors, including UN personnel.
A number of security, political, administrative and environmental impediments, have severely restricted access by humanitarian organizations to certain localities and communities. We are deeply concerned that these constraints continue to hinder the delivery of aid supplies in certain states increasing the likelihood of wide-spread famine, and recall that it is imperative that unimpeded humanitarian access to all those in need is guaranteed.
Funding must be urgently mobilized to provide immediate assistance and protection to those inside South Sudan and those who have sought refuge outside the country. We call on all States to translate pledges made into action as soon as possible so that activities can be scaled up to respond more effectively to the crisis.
Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen,
While the Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide, upon concluding his visit to South Sudan, reported to the Security Council on 17 November 2016 that both the motivation and means for genocide are present in the country, he has also emphasized that we are not too late to prevent it if we take action now. With that knowledge, we have to take our collective responsibility and do everything in our power to prevent such atrocities from occurring and stop the ongoing ones.
In this light, we urge the Security Council and wider international community to follow through on the concrete recommendations for action both the Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide and the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan, have enumerated. These include: publicly call on the political leadership of South Sudan to immediately condemn and take steps to prevent any act of discrimination, hostility and hatred that could constitute incitement to violence; stress the importance of an inclusive political process accompanied by a cessation of hostilities; provide full support to UNMISS to carry out its mandate, including in relation to protection of civilians and human rights monitoring; expedite the arrival of the Regional Protection Force in South Sudan and ensure that the force is not restricted only to the capital but has a country-wide mandate; impose an arms embargo and enact targeted sanctions against key high ranking leaders.
In addition, we call on the Government of South Sudan to allow unhindered access to United Nations human rights monitoring and investigation teams, including Special Procedures, to the country, including conflict zones, places of detention and displacement camps, in order to conduct independent investigations and assess in situ the human rights situation in the country.
Thank you for your attention.
MORNING
GENEVA (14 December 2016) - The Human Rights Council this morning opened its twenty-sixth special session to discuss the situation of human rights in South Sudan.
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, High Commissioner for Human Rights, said the people of South Sudan had by now endured three full years of wanton conflict; over two million had been forced to leave their lands and homes, and over 200,000 were sheltering from the belligerents in protection of civilians bases adjacent to United Nations compounds. The work of humanitarian agencies had been repeatedly impeded by both government and armed opposition forces, and more than 65 humanitarian staff had been killed since the outbreak of the conflict in 2013. The levels of sexual violence related to this conflict were shocking, said High Commissioner Zeid, citing a United Nations survey of June 2016 which had found that 70 per cent of women at one protection of civilians site in Juba had suffered a sexual assault. In recent months, many leaders from across the political spectrum had intensified calls to ethnic animosity. The High Commissioner warned that with the beginning of the dry season, South Sudan teetered on the brink of disaster, and urged the Council to use all possible means within its remit to discourage violence and push for peaceful dialogue in South Sudan.
Yasmin Sooka, Chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan, said that all early warning signals for mass atrocities in South Sudan were there, including an increase in polarized ethnic identities and a culture of denial, while the steady process of ethnic cleansing was already underway in some parts of the country. The environment for abuses had been further enabled by the spewing of hate speech and the dehumanization of ethnic groups by key government officials, including the President. The level of gang rape in this conflict was epic, but the Commission was running out of adjectives to describe the horror. South Sudan stood on the brink of an all-out ethnic civil war which could destabilize the entire region. Ms. Sooka urged the immediate deployment of the 4,000-strong regional protection force, the establishment of the hybrid court by the African Union and South Sudan, and coordinated and systematic investigations in human rights violations and abuses with a view to gathering and preserving evidence.
Yanghee Lee, Chairperson of the Coordination Committee of Special Procedures, referred to multiple reports of atrocious attacks on civilians, widespread use of sexual and gender-based violence, in particular the use of rape as a tool for ethnic cleansing, forced recruitment of children by armed groups, and arbitrary arrests and detentions. She said that this time, the international community should not fail to prevent the same atrocities that had taken place in Rwanda in 1994. The Transitional Government of National Unity should have been a sign of hope for the youngest country in the world, but instead what had happened was a lack of implementation of the commitments made and a complete breakdown in the political process.
Adama Dieng, United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, in a video statement, warned about an imminent risk of violence in South Sudan escalating along ethnic lines, with the potential for genocide. Genocide was a process, he said; it did not happen overnight and this meant that it could be prevented. Those steps must be taken now, without delay, including imposing an arms embargo and expanding the sanctions regime to all those involved in serious violations. With the divisions in the Security Council and among regional actors, action could still be taken bilaterally, by regional Member States who had the power to influence the known system of international banks, businesses, weapons traders, and intermediaries which had contributed to the perpetuation to the conflict in South Sudan.
South Sudan, speaking as the concerned country, reaffirmed that it was ready and keen to cooperate with the United Nations and its various institutions concerned with the promotion and protection of human rights. The position of the Government was that there was no justification for the holding of this special session. In the spirit of dialogue, cooperation and constructive engagement, South Sudan was ready to work with other delegations with an open mind. However, because the Government had not been given the chance to study and reply to the glaring allegations contained in the statements of the distinguished members who had spoken, South Sudan as an independent and sovereign State reserved the right to take the appropriate action it deemed fit at an appropriate time.
In the ensuing dialogue, delegations highlighted the preventive role of this Council and its mechanisms in addressing dire human rights situations around the world and said that this special session could be a step toward the prevention of the catastrophic scenario described by the Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide. There were many worrying signs of genocide in South Sudan, but there was still time to prevent the escalation of violence and avoid irreparable harm to the population. It boggled the mind that 70 per cent of women in one camp in Juba had been raped, they said and called upon all parties to the conflict to end sexual violence, ethnically targeted killings, child recruitment and attacks on civilians. The humanitarian situation was of particular concern, with famine looming unless assistance was provided to an estimated six million people. Speakers stressed the need to urgently deploy the regional protection force and establish the African Union hybrid court, and said that it was key to set up a Special Investigative Team for South Sudan in order to document evidence of the violence that would enable prosecutions in the future. The Transitional Government of National Unity must take necessary measures to ensure discipline within its army and security forces, and to protect civilians from violence, in particular sexual and gender-based violence.
Speaking were Slovakia on behalf of the European Union, Sudan on behalf of the Arab Group, the Netherlands on behalf of a group of countries, Slovenia, Germany, France, Belgium, Venezuela, United Kingdom, Switzerland, China, Mexico, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Portugal, Albania, Botswana, Nigeria, Kenya, Canada, Croatia, United States, Norway, Holy See, Australia, Italy, Luxembourg, Lithuania, Ireland, Brazil, Japan, Egypt, New Zealand, Sudan, Eritrea, Uruguay and Costa Rica.
Also speaking were UN Watch, International Federation for Human Rights Leagues, East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, CIVICUS-World Alliance for Citizen Participation, Human Rights Watch and Rencontre Africaine Pour la Defense des Droits de l'Homme.
At the beginning of the meeting, the President of the Council said that the request for the special session was supported by the following members of the Council: Albania, Belgium, France, Georgia, Germany, Latvia, Mexico, the Netherlands, Panama, Paraguay, Portugal, the Republic of Korea, Slovenia, Switzerland, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The request was also supported by the following observer States: Australia, Austria, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Norway, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden and United States of America.
The Council will reconvene at 3 p.m. today, 14 December, to start taking action on draft resolution on the situation of human rights in South Sudan before concluding the special session.
Opening Statement by the President of the Council
CHOI KYONG-LIM, President of the Human Rights Council, said that the request for a special session of the Council on the human rights situation in South Sudan was received by the Secretariat on 9 December 2016. The request for the special session was supported by the following members of the Council: Albania, Belgium, France, Georgia, Germany, Latvia, Mexico, the Netherlands, Panama, Paraguay, Portugal, the Republic of Korea, Slovenia, Switzerland, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The request was also supported by the following observer States: Australia, Austria, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Norway, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden and the United States of America.
Statement by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
ZEID RA’AD AL-HUSSEIN, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, welcomed the convening of this special session, which honoured the Council’s commitment to addressing the most critical human rights situations. The people of South Sudan had by now endured three full years of wanton conflict. Killings, sexual violence, ill-treatment, abductions, forcible recruitment and the looting and destruction of homes and villages were taking place on a massive scale across many parts of the country. Over 2 million people had been forced to leave their lands and homes. More than one million had fled to neighbouring countries, while within the country, over 200,000 were sheltering from the belligerents in “protection of civilians” bases adjacent to United Nations compounds. South Sudan’s economy had been ravaged. Some 4.8 million people, stripped of resources, faced the very real spectre of severe food insecurity and famine. Infrastructure, healthcare and education systems were in advanced stages of collapse. The work of humanitarian agencies had been repeatedly impeded by both government and armed opposition forces, including violent attacks, abductions, denials of access and demands for illicit payments. More than 65 humanitarian staff had been killed since the outbreak of conflict in 2013. The appalling attack on humanitarian staff in July had demonstrated the acute challenges of this security context, and led a number of humanitarian personnel to leave the country.
The levels of sexual violence related to this conflict were shocking. According to a survey by the United Nations Population Fund last June, 70 per cent of women at one protection of civilians site in Juba reported having suffered sexual assault. All armed actors in the country appeared to be responsible for gang rape. Cases of sexual slavery had been reported, as well as the sexual assault of children. In many cases this sexual violence had appeared to be targeted at members of particular ethnic groups, or on the basis of perceived political affiliation. Other human rights violations were widespread, including arbitrary arrests, abduction, prolonged and arbitrary detention, forced displacement of civilians and infringement of the rights to freedom of movement, expression and opinion. There were multiple allegations that human rights defenders, journalists and civil society actors had been targeted by the security services because of their work, including reports of reprisals against people who engaged with members of the Security Council during their visit to South Sudan in September. In recent months, many leaders from across the political spectrum had intensified calls to ethnic animosity, and repeated surges of violence had set off waves of revenge and counter-revenge across an increasingly broad swathe of territory. With the beginning of the dry season, South Sudan teetered on the brink of disaster. The High Commissioner urged the Council to use all possible means within its remit to discourage violence and push for peaceful dialogue in South Sudan. The highest priority must urgently be given to protection for those most at risk from killings, sexual violence and other serious human rights violations. It was time for all national and regional actors to advocate decisively for a political process that was both inclusive and implemented on the ground.
In closing, the High Commissioner deplored the restrictions imposed on the work of the representatives of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights by security considerations as well as by government authorities, and condemned the increasing threats of reprisals against witnesses, victims and sources who contacted the Office.
Keynote Statements
YASMIN SOOKA, Chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan, said that a recent United Nations survey had found that 70 per cent of women in civilian camps in the capital Juba had been raped since the conflict had erupted, mainly by the police or soldiers, and a staggering 78 per cent had been forced to watch someone being sexually violated. The scale of sexual violence in the world’s youngest country already matched that of the Bosnian war, and yet the world rarely heard about it. A quarter of the population was already internally displaced or abroad as refugees but South Sudan had fallen off the international radar. This special session should be a turning point for the country, urged Ms. Sooka. All of the early warning signals for mass atrocities in South Sudan were there. There was an increase in polarized ethnic identities, a culture of denial, and in some areas systematic violations were being planned. The steady process of ethnic cleansing was already underway in some parts of the country. Targeted displacement along ethnic lines was taking place through killing, abductions, rape, looting and burning of homes, while the redrawing of state boundaries to create 28 states had exacerbated this displacement. The Commission had heard accounts of land grabbing, and had heard displaced people saying they were willing to die to regain their land. Across the Upper Nile states, Unity and the Equatorias, people were preparing for war. Forced recruitments of youth and children, and forced conscription of adults was taking place and there was a heightened expectation that the fighting would begin in earnest now that the dry season had arrived. The environment for abuses had been further enabled by the spewing of hate speech and the dehumanization of ethnic groups by key government officials, including the President.
The level of gang rape in this conflict was epic, but the Commission was running out of adjectives to describe the horror. Perhaps the worst thing was that many now considered sexual violence to be a “normal” facet of life for women. Conflict-related sexual violence and gender-based violence by all armed groups had reached crisis proportions and that was why the Commission had called for an international investigation that would map the hot spots for rape and take detailed testimony from survivors so that patterns of violations could be matched with the military units deployed in the area. South Sudan stood on the brink of an all-out ethnic civil war, which could destabilize the entire region. The international community must act now, including the countries in the region which guaranteed the peace process but were not sufficiently implementing the necessary steps towards justice and accountability. Ms. Sooka urged the immediate deployment of the 4,000-strong regional protection force for the country, full implementation of Chapter Five of the Peace Agreement and the establishment of a hybrid court by the African Union and South Sudan, and coordinated and systematic investigations with a view to gathering and preserving evidence.
YANGHEE LEE, Chairperson of the Coordination Committee of Special Procedures, said that since armed conflict had broken out in South Sudan in December 2013, violence had continued unabated, leading to an ever accelerating and alarming downward spiral of the situation of human rights. There were multiple reports of atrocious attacks on civilians, widespread use of sexual and gender-based violence, in particular the use of rape as a tool for ethnic cleansing, forced recruitment of children by armed groups, and arbitrary arrests and detentions. This time the international community should not fail to prevent the same atrocities that took place in Rwanda in 1994 from happening. The Transitional Government of National Unity should have been a sign of hope for the youngest country in the world, but instead what happened was a lack of implementation of the commitments made and a complete breakdown in the political process. The Government and all parties to the conflict were urged to abide by the peace agreement and immediately cease all hostilities, protect civilians and punish perpetrators. Since the start of the conflict, 1.87 million people had been displaced within South Sudan, and a further 1.15 million people had fled to neighbouring countries. Funding had to be urgently mobilized to provide immediate assistance and protection to those inside South Sudan and those who had sought refuge outside the country. All States were called upon to translate pledges made into action as soon as possible. All had to take their collective responsibility seriously and do everything in their power to prevent atrocities from occurring and stop the ongoing ones. The Government of South Sudan was called on to allow unhindered access to United Nations human rights monitoring and investigation teams.
ADAMA DIENG, United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, in a video statement, referred to his visit to South Sudan in November 2016 and warned about an imminent risk of violence escalating along ethnic lines, with the potential for genocide. Particularly worrying were reports of ethnically fuelled violence, including hate speech and incitement to violence. Statements by public officials in the media, including social media, were being used to spread hatred and encourage ethnic polarization. The involvement of youth was a great concern as well: they made up a large percentage of the population and were particularly susceptible to the dissemination of hatred and incitement to violence. Genocide was a process, it did not happen overnight. This also meant that it could be prevented and those steps must be taken now, without delay. It was urgent for Member States to impose an arms embargo which would have an important impact on the current proliferation of arms. The sanctions should not be limited to a few individuals and freezing of assets and restrictions of movements of those involved in serious violations should be imposed more widely. South Sudan’s top officials had benefited both financially and politically from the war, and could not maintain the status quo without the free flow of funds and arms into the country.
While the number of persons in need of emergency food aid would reach 4.6 million in the first quarter of 2017, the Government was spending a disproportionate share of the national budget on security. There would be neither growth nor development in South Sudan if this continued, said Mr. Dieng, noting that the economy was stagnated, inflation was very high and the population was becoming increasingly desperate. With the divisions in the Security Council and among regional actors, action could still be taken bilaterally, by regional Member States who had the power to influence the known system of international banks, businesses, weapons traders, and intermediaries which had contributed to the perpetuation to the conflict in South Sudan. In conclusion, Mr. Dieng reiterated that the situation of civilians in South Sudan was dire, and that there were all the signs that another outbreak of violence could be imminent. The current instability, desperate situation of civilians and deliberate manipulation of ethnicity for political gain, as well as the availability of the means and motivations to instigate violence, could evolve into genocide if concerted action was not taken now to stop it.
Statement by the Concerned Country
South Sudan, speaking as a concerned country, said that without going into the substance of the allegations contained in the statements of the distinguished members who had spoken, South Sudan reiterated and reaffirmed that as a responsible member of the United Nations and the international community, it was ready and keen to cooperate with the United Nations and its various institutions concerned with the promotion and protection of human rights. As for the convening of this special session, South Sudan wanted to make very clear the position of the Government. There was no justification for the holding of this special session. The Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan was established by the Council in March 2016 for a period of one year, and was requested to present a comprehensive written report and an interactive dialogue to the Council at its thirty-fourth session, which would be held in March 2017. The Council institution-building document said thematic mandates would be for three years while country mandates would be for one year. So there was no reason for holding this special session. As for the outcome of this special session, the delegation, in the spirit of dialogue, cooperation and constructive engagement, was ready to work with other delegations with an open mind. However, because the Government had not been given the chance to study and reply to the glaring allegations contained in the statements of the distinguished members who had spoken, South Sudan as an independent and sovereign State reserved the right to take the appropriate action it deemed fit at an appropriate time.
Debate
Slovakia, speaking on behalf of the European Union, was profoundly disturbed by the deteriorating human rights and humanitarian situation in South Sudan. The European Union condemned in the strongest terms all the atrocious acts of violence, including killing and maiming of civilians, use of child soldiers, and use of rape as a weapon of war. All perpetrators of human rights abuses needed to be held accountable. The European Union stood ready to support the establishment of the African Union Hybrid Court for South Sudan.
Sudan, speaking on behalf of the Arab Group, expressed its deep sorrow over the escalation of the conflict in South Sudan, which had led to the killing of civilians and the destruction of property. The Arab Group supported humanitarian efforts, which needed to take place within the national and the regional framework. South Sudan was commended for cooperating with the Council on the implementation of resolution 31/20. It was premature to judge the work of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan.
Netherlands, speaking on behalf of a group of countries, was deeply concerned about the situation in South Sudan and the rising incidents of hate speech and targeted crimes against the civilian population. Many worrying signs of genocide were already there. There was still time to prevent the escalation of violence which could lead to genocide. The Council was called upon to strongly condemn ethnically fueled violence and hate speech, as well as horrendous levels of sexual violence. The hybrid court ought to be established.
Slovenia highlighted the preventive role of this Council and its mechanisms in addressing dire human rights situations around the world. Welcoming the cooperation of South Sudan with mainstreaming human rights, Slovenia expressed deep concern about the deterioration of the humanitarian and human rights situation in the country, and said that the warnings of genocide were most worrying. The Transitional Government of National Unity bore the primary responsibility to protect the population, while all perpetrators of human rights violations and abuses must be held accountable.
Germany was deeply concerned about the findings of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan and called upon all parties to cease all attacks, and in particular the atrocious acts of sexual and gender-based violence. This special session could be a step toward the prevention of the catastrophic scenario described by the Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide. The Government must rely on an inclusive political process to broaden the political basis of the Transitional Government of National Unity, and the Regional Protection Force must be deployed rapidly.
France was extremely worried by the situation and the worsening human rights violations despite the declared political will of the parties to implement the 2015 Peace Agreement. There must be an end to the cycle of impunity and the provisions of the Peace Agreement on justice and reconciliation must be implemented, with the support of the African Union. The Transitional Government must fulfil its responsibility to protect the population and to lift the restrictions imposed on the exercise of fundamental rights and freedoms by civil society and the media.
Belgium shared the concern by Mr. Dieng on the emerging ethnic violence in South Sudan with the potential for genocide. Because of the deteriorated humanitarian situation, malnutrition among children had dramatically increased, while millions of people were in dire need of food and humanitarian assistance. Belgium called upon all parties to the conflict to end sexual violence, ethnically targeted killings, child recruitment and attacks on civilians. There was time prevent the genocide if the international community acted now.
Venezuela expressed its reservations over the real motivations behind convening the special session. It was worrying that the proposed text was built on unreliable information which lacked necessary corroboration of the source and did not take into consideration the position of the country concerned. Attempts by certain countries were underway again to politicize the Council. Venezuela would continue to raise its voice against any actions undermining the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter.
United Kingdom was appalled by the scale and horrendous nature of human rights abuses and violations, in particular gang rapes of women and girls used as a weapon of war. As the dry season was commencing, the fears were growing that the violence would once again escalate. When the person designated by the world to warn of genocides raised the alarm, the world had to act. The targeting of aid workers was unacceptable. South Sudan was urged to do all it could to facilitate the deployment of the regional protection force.
Switzerland was alarmed by the grave abuses and violations of human rights in South Sudan. The international community had to act strongly before it was too late. Switzerland was also worried about the forced displacement and sexual abuse of women. In light of the current alarming situation, the mandate of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan was fully justified. Switzerland highlighted the importance of transitional justice, accountability and reconciliation, and supported the immediate establishment of the hybrid court.
China urged all parties in South Sudan to pursue a political settlement to the conflict and said that the international community must bring all the parties back to the political track to solve their differences. China supported African people using African mechanisms to solve African problems. The Council must respect the sovereignty of the country and all measures taken must be conducive to the political settlement process. China was ready to continue to play a constructive role in searching for a political solution and to speed up the development of South Sudan for the benefit of all its people.
Mexico said that the warning signals were there and they were widely documented: war crimes, and crimes against humanity, spiralling into genocide. Genocide never happened without warning, it was a process and therefore the Government of South Sudan and the international community had the responsibility to prevent it and to prevent irreparable harm. Children must be free from forced recruitment, human rights defenders must be enabled to operate freely, and accountability for human rights violations must be ensured, stressed Mexico.
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia was deeply concerned about what was happening in many parts of South Sudan and said that it boggled the mind that 70 per cent of women in a camp in Juba had been raped. This happened because there was no accountability, which perpetuated impunity. That was why the purpose of this special session was accountability. The establishment of the African Union hybrid court for South Sudan was imperative and a key step to both justice and accountability. It was key to set up a Special Investigative Team for South Sudan in order to document evidence of the violence that would enable prosecutions in the future.
Portugal strongly condemned the atrocious acts of violence, often with ethnic motivation, committed in many parts of the country, and was shocked by the level of sexual violence, including gang rape committed by armed men belonging to all groups. The humanitarian situation was of particular concern, with famine looming unless assistance was provided to an estimated six million people. Portugal supported the call for a thorough investigation by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan into the violations and abuses of human rights and related crimes.
Albania was extremely worried about the human rights violations and abuses in South Sudan and was deeply alarmed by the statement by Adama Dieng that there was a strong risk of violence escalating along ethnic lines, with the potential for genocide. Albania was also gravely concerned by ethnically-motivated hate speech by all sides, reports of targeting of civilians based on ethnicity, and sexual and gender-based violence. The Government was called to bring to justice all perpetrators of human rights abuses.
Botswana supported United Nations and regional mechanisms established to support peace and security in South Sudan. South Sudan had demonstrated its cooperation with the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan. The Government of South Sudan was called upon to cooperate with the United Nations and regional mechanisms to do all possible to protect its people. The Council had an opportunity to play a significant role in restoring peace in South Sudan, but that role should complement regional efforts.
Nigeria believed that the situation of human rights in South Sudan deserved global attention. Every effort aimed at bringing peace and stability to South Sudan enjoyed Nigeria’s support. Nigeria was encouraged by South Sudan’s cooperation with international mechanisms. Allegations on incidents in the report presented ought to be based on concrete evidence. The Government and the opposition were called upon to end the fratricidal conflict and take genuine steps towards peace.
Kenya expressed its deep concern about the situation in South Sudan. As a neighbouring country, Kenya was concerned that the situation continued to pose a threat to regional peace and security. The brokered agreement was the best starting point to establish sustained peace and promote forgiveness and reconciliation in the country. Most perturbing were the reports of grave human rights violations. The stakeholders were called upon to live up to the expectations of their people, and to establish the hybrid court.
Canada stressed the duty of all to do all in their power to address the situation in South Sudan. Canada fully supported the expanding of the Commission on Human Rights to include the investigation of the human rights situation and provide recommendations to the Government of South Sudan to end such violations and prevent their recurrence, including by ensuring perpetrators were held to account. Canada urged the Government to fully cooperate on the implementation of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan mandate and the deployment of a regional protection force.
Croatia followed with great concern the critical human rights and humanitarian situation in South Sudan and said that the measures and efforts taken by the Council, including the establishment of the Commission on Human Rights, did not prevent horrible atrocities, grave humanitarian crises, and human suffering. More had to be done by the international community to help, encourage and extend technical assistance to the Government of South Sudan. Croatia supported the expanding of the Commission’s mandate and the establishment of the African Union hybrid court for South Sudan.
United States remained concerned about the Government’s ongoing obstruction of humanitarian assistance which exacerbated the already dire humanitarian situation and near-famine conditions. The United States supported the United Nations’ mandate to protect civilians and to deploy the regional protection force, and stressed the importance of the continued engagement of all United Nations bodies and mechanisms in South Sudan at this critical moment, including the Human Rights Council, General Assembly, and the Security Council.
Norway echoed the warnings of a very real risk of mass atrocities in South Sudan, including the potential for genocide, and said that there was a clear case for the Council to act on its mandate to prevent human rights violations. The exodus of refugees into neighbouring countries continued with nearly 3,000 daily arrivals to Uganda, while a record number of 205,000 were seeking protection in United Nations camps. Norway supported the broadening of the mandate of the Commission to include the investigation of alleged violations of human rights to avoid impunity and ensure accountability.
Holy See said that the increased intensity of the violence in South Sudan was contributing to the worsening of the already precarious situation of the nation. Estimates showed that between five and seven million people were facing food shortages. Any solution to the conflict had to take into consideration not only the obvious tension between the parties, but also the underlying motives and factors that fueled the conflict. Others should be seen not as enemies, but as brothers to accept and work with.
Australia was deeply concerned by the latest assessment by the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide that there was potential for the current landscape to lead to further atrocities, including genocide. Australia called upon the Government of South Sudan to fulfill its responsibility to protect its population. The Government was also called upon to control its security forces and address human rights violations and abuses in the interest of all.
Italy strongly condemned human rights violations and abuses, and violations of international humanitarian law. Italy called on all the parties to the conflict to end the violence, and to find a viable political solution, guaranteeing the multi-ethnic character of the South Sudanese society. Italy encouraged South Sudan to conduct an all-inclusive national dialogue, as the only sustainable solution was through the comprehensive implementation of the peace agreement.
Luxembourg noted that every day civilians, especially women, were subject to rape, which was used as a weapon of war. Luxembourg called on all stakeholders to stop the mass escalation of the conflict. The Transitional Government was responsible for protecting civilians. Perpetrators of human rights violations and abuses had to be held accountable for those violations, and the hybrid court should be made operational as soon as possible.
Lithuania was deeply concerned about the situation in South Sudan marked by massive human rights violations, killings and maiming of civilians, starvation, recruitment and use of child soldiers, rape and other forms of sexual violence applied as war tactics. The United Nations Mission in South Sudan must be allowed to exercise its mandate of the protection of civilian sites without hindrance. The Transitional Government should protect civilians and put an end to human rights violations, while the African Union should move forward with the establishment of the hybrid court for South Sudan.
Ireland recognized the important role of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan in monitoring and reporting on the human rights situation, and on South Sudan’s commitment to cooperate with it, and said it would welcome the recommendations from the Commission on the formation of the hybrid court, and on ending sexual and gender-based violence. Ireland urged South Sudan to immediately work with the United Nations, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development, the African Union, and the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission, and to take all steps to address the crisis and end the violence.
Brazil urged all parties to cease hostilities and resume the political dialogue and said that the Transitional Government should lead this process, with the support of the international community. South Sudan should take urgent measures to stop the escalation of the conflict along ethnic lines. The acceptance by South Sudan to the deployment of the regional protection force was a commitment that the Council should keep in mind, and the Government should take the necessary steps to investigate all human rights violations.
Japan said that the international community and South Sudan must take joint action to address the human rights situation in the country, where a serious confrontation among ethnic groups was on the rise. Japan urged the Government to make every effort to strengthen discipline within its army and security forces, and requested it to agree to the peaceful resolution of the conflict, to continue to hold an inclusive national dialogue, and to strengthen measures for the prevention of violence against civilians, including sexual violence.
Egypt said that the current session had been called for by countries located thousands of kilometers from South Sudan, thus unaffected by the refugee crisis. Egypt was more aware of what people in South Sudan were enduring on a daily basis. Egypt had chosen years ago to extend concrete help to the people of South Sudan, and the international community should follow its suit without delay. The Human Rights Commission was asked to be more balanced.
New Zealand stated that the time for dire warnings had well and truly passed. Given the seriousness of the situation, more needed to be done to arrest the downwards spiral. The Transitional Government of National Unity bore the primary responsibility to protect its population from mass atrocities. New Zealand called on all parties to the conflict to engage seriously in developing the requisite parameters of maintaining sustainable peace and pursuing transitional justice.
Sudan could only welcome the progress made by South Sudan in the field of human rights. The extension of the mandate of the Commission, before the end of the mandate, was premature. Time ought to be left for the Commission to submit its report, stressed Sudan, and the Government needed to be given time to respond to what would be included in the report. Sudan invited the Government and all parties to commit to a peaceful resolution of the conflict.
Eritrea regretted the selection of situations that were growing while ignoring critical situations that needed more attention and scrutiny. The dire situation in Ethiopia was being ignored by the Council. Eritrea encouraged the continued efforts by the Government of South Sudan to engage and cooperate with human rights mechanisms and institutions, including at the bilateral level. Eritrea opposed the use of human rights for other ulterior motives related to any geopolitical agendas.
Uruguay said that the timely holding of this special session could enable States to act in time to prevent further atrocities in South Sudan. Thousands of people had had to flee in search for safety and protections, and the international community must not remain indifferent in the face of the deteriorating situation and the possibility that it might spiral into genocide. Justice and reconciliation mechanisms provided for in the 2015 Peace Agreement should be established and start operating to put an end to impunity.
Costa Rica was deeply concerned by the situation in South Sudan, and the warning signs of genocide – hate speech, displacement based on ethnicity, and the flow of arms. The international community must address the issue of arms supply to South Sudan, and the Government must take all measures to protect civilians, particularly curb hate speech and prevent fractioning along ethnic lines. It was an imperative to investigate systematic sexual violence perpetuated against women and girls in South Sudan.
United Nations Watch said that the unprecedented scale of the abuses occurring in South Sudan warranted the urgent attention of the international community and a strong commitment to act and stop all human rights violations. UN Watch was very concerned by reports of the reluctance of United Nations peacekeepers to protect civilians and hoped that measures would be taken to ensure that the United Nations peacekeepers protected civilians and did not become accessories and guilty bystanders to those crimes.
International Federation for Human Rights Leagues was profoundly concerned by reports of the use of rape as an instrument of ethnic cleansing in South Sudan, and the targeting of civil society activists, human rights defenders, journalists and humanitarian workers. The international community must hold the political leadership of South Sudan to their obligation and responsibility to protect the population. The Council should urge the African Union to immediately establish the hybrid court to address the lack of accountability for human rights violations.
East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project said that for three years, the world had watched helplessly as the people of South Sudan suffered at the hands of their leaders. Today, South Sudan was at a turning point, and now was the time to act. There was no doubt that South Sudan was edging closer to an irreparable catastrophe. Sadly, South Sudanese civil society was not present today. The Council should renew and strengthen the mandate of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan.
CIVICUS agreed with the assessment that South Sudan was on the verge of an unprecedented spiral of violence which had strong ethnic connotations. CIVICUS was concerned by the wanton destruction of villages, targeting of civilian healthcare facilities and violent attacks on journalists and human rights defenders. The Council was asked to take concerted and swift action to ensure the protection of civilians and end impunity for violations of international humanitarian law.
Human Rights Watch, speaking on behalf of a group of organizations, said that the conflict had left the country at the edge of a precipice. Many acts committed constituted war crimes. It was frustrating that there was little accountability for perpetrators. The Human Rights Council was asked to use its full powers before the situation deteriorated even further. The report of the Human Rights Commission ought to be transmitted to the Security Council, which should look into establishing a comprehensive arms embargo.
Rencontre Africaine pour la defense des droits de l’homme said that ethnic genocide was now in progress in South Sudan. The President and Vice-President should be held responsible, as they had pushed the country down the spiral of violence and destruction. What the South Sudanese people urgently needed was security in an inclusive environment. Perpetrators of mass atrocities needed to be held responsible. The international community had to move swiftly and impose an arms embargo.
For use of the information media; not an official record
AFTERNOON
GENEVA (14 December 2016) - The Human Rights Council concluded this afternoon its special session on South Sudan after adopting a resolution in which it condemned the ongoing violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law in South Sudan and reaffirmed the mandate of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan.
In the resolution on the situation of human rights in South Sudan, adopted without a vote, as orally revised, the Council placed renewed emphasis on the need of the Commission to establish the facts and circumstances of alleged violations and abuses of human rights, with a view to ensure that those responsible were held to account. The Government of South Sudan was urged to appoint a Special Representative on sexual and gender-based violence.
The United States and Albania took the floor to introduce the draft text.
South Sudan spoke as the concerned country.
Speaking in an explanation of the vote before the vote were the Russian Federation, China and Venezuela. The United States spoke after the adoption of the resolution as an observer State.
The special session opened this morning and a summary of the morning meeting can be found here.
This was the Human Rights Council’s twenty-sixth special session. Documentation relating to the special session is available on the Human Rights Council webpage. The thirty-fourth regular session of the Human Rights Council will take place from 27 February to 24 March 2017.
Right of Reply
Ethiopia, speaking in a right of reply, said that the remarks made earlier by Eritrea were uncalled for. They revealed unchanged character and the intent of the regime to hide its aggressive character and widespread human rights violations against all its citizens. Eritreans represented 150,000 out of the 800,000 refugees that Ethiopia hosted. The Commission of Inquiry had confirmed that there were 400,000 people in slavery in Eritrea, where crimes against humanity had been committed since 1991. Eritrea was under sanctions by the United Nations for its sponsorship of terrorism and that was why it did not have a moral ground to present accusations against Ethiopia.
Action on Resolution on the Situation of Human Rights in South Sudan
In a resolution A/HRC/S-26/L.1 on the situation of human rights in South Sudan, adopted without vote, as orally revised, the Council condemns the ongoing violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law in South Sudan, including those involving alleged targeted killings, ethnically targeted violence, rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence, the widespread recruitment and use of children, arbitrary arrests and detention, alleged torture, arbitrary denial of humanitarian access and attacks on schools, places of worship, hospitals and United Nations and associated peacekeeping personnel, by all parties; decides to reaffirm the mandate of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan, with renewed emphasis on the need to establish the facts and circumstances of alleged violations and abuses of human rights with a view to ensure that those responsible were held to account; requests the Commission to suggest priority recommendations for the Government of South Sudan on how to end sexual and gender-based violence; and urges the Government of South Sudan to appoint a Special Representative on sexual and gender-based violence. The Council also demands that all actors put a halt to all violations and abuses of human rights and all violations of international humanitarian law, and strongly calls upon the Government to ensure the protection and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The Council calls upon the Government to investigate all violations and abuses of human rights, and international humanitarian law and to hold those responsible to account.
United States, introducing the draft resolution S26.L.1 on the situation of human rights in South Sudan, said the oral revisions represented changes to the text resulting from consultations with many delegations, including South Sudan. The scale of rape of women and girls perpetuated by all armed groups in South Sudan was unacceptable, and it was a grave concern that the process of ethnic cleansing in some areas was already ongoing, as stated by the Commission on Human Rights. The international community must stop those atrocities and prevent future ones. There must be accountability and it was essential that all United Nations bodies and mechanisms remained engaged in South Sudan at this critical moment.
Albania, also introducing the draft resolution, noted that the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan had stated that further investigations into human rights abuses and violations and related crimes were needed, particularly in the areas where the United Nations had not had access. It was vitally important to establish the facts and circumstances of alleged violations and abuses with a view to ensuring the accountability of the perpetrators. The recent surge of refugees into Uganda could indicate that the conflict was worse than what the international community already knew. The Human Rights Council and the United Nations bodies and mechanisms should understood what was happening in South Sudan at this precarious time, and it was hoped that this special session would shine a spotlight on the situation that was developing in South Sudan. It was also hoped that the special session would condemn the violations and abuses of human rights that were taking place there, and work to prevent further violence and mass atrocities.
South Sudan, speaking as the concerned country, thanked the core group on the draft resolution on South Sudan for their genuine engagement. South Sudan expressed appreciation for the cooperative spirit on reaching a consensual text. Appreciation was also expressed for the support of the African Group, as well as for all countries which had shown their sympathy.
Russian Federation, speaking in an explanation of the vote before the vote, stated that holding accountable those guilty of human rights violations belonged to States. Russia underlined that it would be right for the Council to refrain from conclusions on targeted, discriminatory policies against certain ethnic groups. Russia was pleased that the main sponsors of the resolution had taken into consideration different comments, including Russia’s. Russia would join the consensus on the draft resolution.
China, speaking in an explanation of the vote before the vote, said it had consistently expressed the view that all parties in South Sudan should stick to a political process. The Human Rights Council ought to respect the sovereignty of South Sudan, in favour of the realization of peace and development for South Sudan. China would disassociate itself from the consensus.
Venezuela, speaking in an explanation of the vote before the vote, said that the draft resolution lacked impartial and depoliticized treatment which must be a hallmark of the Human Rights Council. It did not reflect the situation on the ground and it lacked the necessary cooperation by the community of nations. It did not reflect the commitments of the Government of South Sudan to cooperate with human rights mainstreaming. For this reason, Venezuela would not join the consensus.
The Council then adopted draft resolution L.1 without a vote as orally revised.
United States, speaking as an observer State, reiterated thanks to all delegations that had engaged constructively and was pleased that the negotiations had led to the enhancement of the Commission’s authority and renewed emphasis on the need to establish the facts and circumstances of alleged violations and abuses of human rights with a view to accountability. The United States thanked President Choi in leading this Council and the great contribution it had made to the cause of the promotion and protection of human rights.
The Council then adopted the report of the special session ad referendum.
For use of the information media; not an official record
1. Introduction
Since the October Report 1, engagement with the five priority countries and other countries has continued at an intense pace on the basis of the October European Council conclusions. These conclusions highlighted two areas where results were expected by the December European Council: progress in cooperation with the five selected priority countries, and first results in terms of reducing irregular arrivals and increasing returns. It also underlined the importance of action at national level to speed up processes on returns, and agreed to look at a possible extension of the list of priority countries.
This Second Progress Report presents the actions taken in the framework of the Partnership and the progress made since October. Twenty high level visits by Member State ministers, the High Representative and Commissioners have taken place, backed up by meetings at technical level to maximise operational results.
Even in the short time since the October European Council, there has been concrete progress delivered in most of the priority countries. Important building blocks for new cooperation on returns were agreed, and stalled return processes were re-started. EUR 1 billion has been mobilised under the EU Trust Fund for Africa to support the objectives foreseen in the framework of Valletta. EUR 726.7 million will be added to the EU budget in 2017 to further support the development of the external dimension of migration. The basis for operationalising a one-stop-shop for data collection on returns at EU level and reinforcing administrative cooperation on returns have been laid down.
In terms of operational results the flows of migrants crossing the Sahara via Niger has recorded its lowest point, down to 1,500 in November from 70,000 in May. In Niger, 95 vehicles were seized, 102 smugglers sent to justice. Of the migrants intercepted in irregular transit 4,430 have been repatriated with the assistance of the International Organisation for Migration (IOM). In addition, in 2016 around 2,700 migrants from the five priority countries have returned from the EU to the respective countries of origin.
However, this reduced transit flow within Africa has not yet resulted in reduced arrivals to Europe. Arrivals from the five priority countries via the Central Mediterranean route in 2016 have increased to almost 59,000, out of a total of over 173,000 arrivals via this route, pointing at the need to continue and broaden the implementation of the Partnership Framework.
The full potential of the Partnership Framework has not yet been entirely exploited. First, the linkage made with other policies – such as legal migration, trade, energy, agriculture and education – remains limited. This can make the foundation for genuine partnerships with third countries, and gearing up these policies to work in the Partnership Framework context will be a key objective in the coming months. Second, the support of Member States - including in the internal dimension of migration policies - has proved crucial for success. This has to continue and be stepped up as the process deepens and broadens. Third, the Valletta process, which remains the foundation of our approach to migration in Africa, will be reinvigorated through the Senior Officials Meeting next February.
The intense engagement with third countries under the Partnership Framework needs time and commitment to produce its full results. Rollout of projects addressing the root causes of irregular migration, new procedures for identification and effective returns, and targeted actions to break smuggling on key points in the routes leading to Europe lay the foundations for delivering visible results in the next months.
Mali held local elections on 20 November 2016. After four successive adjournments, these elections were long overdue—the mandate of the outgoing locally elected officials came to an end in 2014—and they concluded the electoral cycle that marked the return to constitutional order after the 2012 crisis and coup d’état. The elections did not occur without incident, however, with several Malian participants in the current SIPRI–CONASCIPAL project reporting violence and intimidation tactics in their local regions.
Initial counts of the votes showed mixed results for the presidential party, the Rally for Mali (Rassemblement pour le Mali, RPM)—it was defeated in Koulikoro and in Tenenkou, two traditional strongholds. Several ministers and prominent members of the RPM lost their ‘bastions’, including the Minister of Culture and Environment and the Minister of Employment. More importantly, these elections also highlighted the progress that still needs to be made at the security level and, in that context, the mixed results of the 2015 peace agreement in managing tensions and paving the way for national reconciliation.
This topical backgrounder addresses the security issues and main political lessons to be learned from these local elections. It presents Malian voices from 35 regional Monitoring Groups for Peace and Security (MGPS), set up as part of the current SIPRI–CONASCIPAL project in Mali. These are voices that need to be heard if civil society organizations are going to play a role in supporting a national peacebuilding strategy.
The polls: high contestation and low turnout
More than seven million Malians were called on to elect 12,000 city councillors from 4,047 candidate lists (which included 37% women) in the local elections. Only 688 out of 703 municipalities officially participated in the elections, the first local polls to be held since the 2012 crisis. In 15 communes in the Menaka, Gao and Kidal regions, no list of candidates was submitted. In several other communes, the polls did take place but polling stations or local authorities were the target of violent attacks.
The list of candidates, and thus the elections themselves, were highly contested within Mali. This is partly explained by the security situation in the northern regions, but also by the implementation of a specific measure in the 2015 peace agreement: the establishment of interim authorities in the northern regions. This measure allowed the Malian Government and the signatory armed groups to set up temporary local authorities by bringing together actors from civil society, the private sector and some of the outgoing locally elected representatives. When the government announced the list of interim authorities on 14 October 2016, it was immediately contested by various armed and political groups, each claiming that it had not been properly consulted and was not adequately represented.
While these denunciations are a blow to the legitimacy of the election results, they show the importance some Malian stakeholders give to these elections. Local authorities are widely seen as an entry point for the population into national politics and economic circuits and a way to redistribute or consolidate power among local notabilities. Locally elected officials, such as mayors or members of the National Assembly, are generally perceived to be well connected to the capital city. This connection is believed to grant them access to political and economic power, so supporting a homegrown candidate appears to be a strategic option for enriching a region and its local population.
As is often the case in Mali, popular participation in the November local elections was low (under 30%). The elections also confirmed the old disparities between the district of Bamako and its hinterlands, with higher voter turnout in the latter. Current voter turnout estimations point to at least 50% participation in provincial towns and less than 25% in most of the Bamako communes. (In comparison, voter turnout in Niger for local elections is about 46%.) Since the introduction of a multiparty system in 1991–92, Malian voters appear to be poorly mobilized. Only the 1992 constitutional referendum, which established the new democratic regime after 30 years of one-party military rule, achieved over 40% participation. In the same year, in the second round of the presidential elections, only 20% of those eligible turned up to vote for the first President of Mali’s Third Republic.
These very low turnout rates have several causes. Structural factors, such as very high illiteracy rates (over 70%) and lack of civic education, play a major role in constituents’ disaffection towards the electoral processes. However, other more technical factors should also be considered, especially regarding the ‘accessibility’ of the elections to voters: for example, reliability of the voter lists, effective distribution of national identification cards and clear information regarding the polling stations.
Insecurity: a new permanent guest of Malian political life?
While 15 communes were officially deprived of elections, it appears that insecurity prevented elections being held securely in more than 40 northern communes, especially in the regions of Kidal, Gao and Timbuktu.
Less than two years after the signing of the 2015 peace agreement, Mali is still struggling with insecurity. International economic and political support, the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) and the French Operation Barkhane have not succeeded in stabilizing the country or preventing sporadic attacks by signatory and non-signatory armed groups. In fact, since the signing of the peace agreement, other armed groups have emerged outside the zone of earlier military deployment. New insecurity hotbeds in the country, especially in the central region of Mopti, raise questions about Mali’s stability and the government’s ability to efficiently tackle the numerous challenges inherited from the 2012 crisis.
In the northernmost region of Kidal, local elections were prevented from taking place by the Coordination of Azawad Movements (Coordination des Mouvements de l’Azawad, CMA), one of the two coalitions of armed groups that signed the 2015 peace agreement. The CMA justified its opposition to these elections by pointing to allegedly unfulfilled prior conditions, such as the establishment of interim authorities and the ‘return of tens of thousands of refugees and internally displaced persons’.
In the neighbouring region of Gao, only some communes could organize the elections. In Timbuktu, several groups of assailants stole and burnt election material, preventing voting from taking place, especially in rural areas. In Ségou, in the central region of Mali, one candidate was abducted and was still missing as of 28 November 2016. Elsewhere in the country, several candidates reported that jihadist and armed groups hindered the electoral campaign, by directly threatening candidates and burning candidates’ posters.
Finally, five military personnel were killed while transporting polling boxes in an ambush near Douentza, in the Mopti region, on 20 November.
Local reports from the Monitoring Groups for Peace and Security
Concrete examples of this insecurity have been directly reported by groups of civil society actors involved in the new SIPRI–CONASCIPAL project in Mali. Established in October 2015, these Monitoring Groups for Peace and Security (MGPS) are spread over 35 communes from 9 of the 10 regions in Mali. Each group is made up of three civil society actors, representing women, youth organizations and local notabilities. The MGPS monitor the security situation at the grass-roots level to identify local factors relevant for a national peacebuilding strategy and to engage with Malian officials on security policies.
During the November local elections, the MGPS reported on the vote in their respective communes and regions, helping to paint a more detailed picture of the Malian polls. The reports from the communes where polls took place are summarized in the table
In Gabero (Gao region), the MGPS said armed groups attacked the polling station and prevented people from voting. The incident was a reaction to the alleged invalidation of the outgoing mayor’s electoral list. In Ouatagouna (Gao region), the MGPS highlighted the proactive role played by traditional leaders to secure the election, by supporting and protecting the electoral personnel deployed in the 86 polling stations. In the city of Timbuktu (Timbuktu region), returned internally displaced persons were deprived of a vote due to the absence of their names on the electoral lists.
In Douentza (Mopti region), some violent incidents occurred with attacks on polling stations outside the main localities. In Bossi Tono (Ségou region), the MGPS reported the abduction attempt of a polling station member. The abduction failed due to the intervention of groups of women from the village, but electoral material was burnt in the process.
In Koro (Mopti region) and Diendéni (Koulikoro region) local people reported difficulties in finding the right polling station. Finally, in Yélimané (Kayes region), the MGPS pointed out administrative issues such as the insufficient number of electoral personnel deployed to hand out electoral cards and the state’s failure to pay some of the electoral personnel.
Politically, the MGPS noticed the emergence of new political parties at the local level (less visible at the national level). While they are not playing a significant role on the national stage, these parties are clearly positioning themselves in opposition to the main national political forces and seem to be gaining ground locally.
It is noteworthy that the political lines and alliances constructed at the national level were not respected at the local level during the last elections. The MGPS regularly reported that candidates from nationally opposing parties were forming alliances at the communal level, building on personal relationships and common interests. This, once more, highlights the absence of strong ideological polarization among political parties and shows the very minor role played by national party ‘orientation’ in the distribution of power at the local level.
Civil society and the way forward
President Keïta’s mandate as the first head of state after the 2012 crisis did not succeed in either creating regularly scheduled elections (the November local elections were postponed four times) or establishing the state as a legitimate actor in the entire territory of Mali. Irregular elections are harmful for democratic stability—if you do not know the rules of the political system, you begin to question the system overall. Most of the provisions of the Malian peace agreement, which largely depend on local authorities being established, have yet to be implemented.
In that context, it will be highly challenging for the Malian authorities to move towards peace without clear support from various segments of the population and without local civil society expertise and knowledge. Since they already work closely with communities and are regular mediators between the authorities and the population, it is crucial that civil society organizations play a more visible and proactive role in the peace process.
In March 2017, the 35 MGPS will present their preliminary findings in Bamako at the first National Forum organized as part of the SIPRI–CONASCIPAL project. This will mark a major step forward in an ambitious research and dialogue project aimed at documenting and promoting civil society’s efforts to support sustainable peace in Mali.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)
Mahamadou Diouara is the Activity Coordinator for the Mali-based organization CONASCIPAL.
Dr Mariam D. Maïga is the Executive Director for the Mali-based organization CONASCIPAL.
Aurélien Tobie is a Senior Researcher and Activity Coordinator for the SIPRI Mali Civil Society and Peacebuilding Project.
Dr Grégory Chauzal is a Senior Researcher and Head of the Mali Project at SIPRI.
Published by FAO Representation in Nigeria November 2016
Executive Summary
There is a continued need for food security information of households, both for famine early warning purposes and to be able to plan and target interventions appropriately. This need has become even more urgent with the prolonged Boko Haram insurgency in North East Nigeria and the widespread economic recession across the country. The Food Security and Vulnerability Survey (FSVS) aims to meet this need. The first FSVS was conducted in 2014 with 174 households in five states, while the 2015 FSVS sampled 3736 households in eight states. In the 2016 FSVS, 9237 households in the 16 Northern Nigeria States of Adamawa, Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Niger, Plateau, Sokoto, Taraba, Yobe, and Zamfara were sampled. The specific objectives of the 2016 FSVS were to provide estimates of food security indicators, determine the status of livelihoods, and furnish data for additional analyses such as the Cadre Harmonisé (CH) analysis for “classifying the severity of current and projected food insecurity” and the Resilience Index Measurement and Analysis (RIMA).
Households sampled in the FSVS were selected using two stage cluster randomized sampling and the frame of enumeration areas demarcated by the National Population Commission for the 2006 Housing and Population Census. Enumeration areas were randomly selected in each of the three senatorial zones in each state, and 10 households were randomly selected in each enumeration area. It is important to emphasize that the survey was designed to be representative at the state and senatorial zone level, but not at the local government area (LGA) level. The same sampling technique was used in all of the states, including the conflict affected states of Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe. No attempt was made in these states to specially sample internally displaced persons (IDPs) or returnees or refugees. Thus, the survey is a reflection of the general situation in the states and not the situation of any particular population group such as IDPs.
The main finding from the survey was that food security and livelihood vulnerabilities are considerable across the 16 states included, howbeit to varying degrees from state to state.
Food availability: There were 8 of the 16 states where ≤70% of households produced crops and livestock in 2016, even though the livelihood zones in the states are agrarian. Still, the anticipated harvest from households that have produced food can meet the food needs in all of the states except one, if there is equitable access and minimal postharvest losses. In Borno State, only 24% and 35% of households produced crops and livestock respectively. Even if there were minimal postharvest losses and all of the food produced was equitably shared, there will still be at least a 34% deficit in food needs. At the time of the FSVS ≤50% of households across the 16 states had any food stocks and even these stocks were not expected to last more than one month or two months at the maximum.
Food access: Physical access to food was generally high, with ≥80% of households in the states reporting access to functional markets where they find the foods they need. Economic access to food was however poor. Median income per person per day in the households ranged from N46 in Borno State, to N133 in Niger State, among households that had livelihood sources. Across the states, food had accounted for more than 40% of household expenditure in the month preceding the FSVS. As may be expected, food consumption was quite inadequate. In nearly all of the states, more than 10% of households had a poor or borderline food consumption score (FCS). In 7 states the percentage of households with poor or borderline FCS was more than 20%, reaching a high of 42% and 43% in Yobe and Borno States respectively. Household dietary diversity score (HDDS) was even worse. In all of the 16 states, at least 29% of households had HDDS ≤4. In Kebbi State, it was 53%, and 54% in both Borno and Yobe States. Further, nearly 20% of households across the states had not had enough food or money to buy food in the 7 days preceding the FSVS, ranging from 4% of households in Kano to 37% of households in Borno. Similarly, the prevalence of moderate to severe hunger ranged from 3% in Kano to 34% in Borno.
Food utilization: Access to safe drinking water was very low in most states. Less than 40% of households had access to improved drinking water sources overall. This ranged from 10% in Benue State to 82% in Jigawa. Access to health services was more prevalent with nearly 80% of households overall having access to a health facility. However, this was also highly variable across the states. Whereas in Bauchi, only 56% of households reported having access to a health facility, in Katsina, it was 93%. Food stability: Households did not have stability of food supply. Among those households who had produced crops in 2016, food from their own production was expected to meet their household needs for just 7 months on the average.
Livelihoods: Agriculture remained the primary livelihood source for most households in all states, except Borno. Households generally depended on one or two livelihood sources, but some households in all of the states had up to four livelihood sources. In Borno, 20% of the households reported having no livelihood source. The percentage of households with no livelihood source in the other states ranged from 0.4% to 2.5%. Still, many households had deployed crises to emergency livelihood-based coping strategies in response to shocks, in the 12 months preceding the FSVS. Zamfara State had the least percentage of households deploying crises to emergency livelihood coping strategies (8%) and Borno State had the highest percentage (71%).
What these results mean is that in the states with greater vulnerabilities, many households had to deplete livelihoods and assets to achieve some measure of food intake even if they are not food secure. In states where not many households have depleted livelihoods and assets, food consumption is inadequate and there is the risk that any exposure to further shocks can lead households to irreversible livelihood-based coping strategies and/or asset depletion. Consequently, there is a need to intervene for improved food security and greater resilience in all the states, and especially Borno State needs emergency intervention The Cadre Harmonisé (CH) analyses for classifying food insecurity and vulnerability conducted in October 2016 was mostly based on the FSVS data and findings. This CH analyses concluded that in the current situation (October to December 2016), 4.95 million people are in need of assistance in the six (6) North East states of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe. For the three states most affected by Boko Haram insurgency (Adamawa, Borno and Yobe)and targeted for assistance by the Food Security Sector, 4.67 million people are estimated to be in phases 3 (crisis) to 5 (famine); including 2,800,539 in crisis (phase 3); 1,817,286 in emergency (phase 4); and 55,013 people in famine (phase 5). The current population in famine is located exclusively in newly liberated and inaccessible LGAs in Borno State.
It is recommended that agricultural support be provided in all of the states to increase and diversity food production and consumption. Livelihood support activities are necessary in areas where many households have depleted livelihoods and/or assets, and these livelihood support activities should consider all of the assets necessary for sustainable livelihoods. Very importantly, urgent food assistance is necessary in states where food insecurity and livelihood depletion is most alarming (Borno, Yobe, Taraba, Adamawa, and Plateau States). The food assistance in these states will need to be sustained until affected households are able to build or rebuild livelihoods.
The Board of Directors of the African Development Bank Group (AfDB), has approved a financing package comprising USD 150 million ADB Loan, USD 100 ADF Loan and the EUR 5 million RWSSI Grant Facility, to finance the Inclusive Basic Service Delivery and Livelihood Empowerment Integrated Programme (IBSDLEIP), in support of operationalizing the “Buhari Plan” for Emergency Transition, Recovery and Peacebuilding for North East states in Nigeria.
The IBSDLEIP seeks to curb fragility aggravated by the Boko Haram insurgency with the goal of contributing to reduced poverty and vulnerability in Nigeria. Specifically, the Bank’s support will help improve the quality of life by increasing access of the poor and vulnerable to basic social services in water, sanitation, hygiene, health and education; livelihood opportunities; food security and strengthened safety net systems in affected states in the North East.
Economic recovery interventions is expected to empower youth and women through entrepreneurship, employment generation and tailored skills for labour market and livelihoods for vulnerable households. Over 9,000 Internally Displace Persons (IDPs) and heads of vulnerable households will receive direct assistance for their economic reintegration and livelihoods; 2032 SSMEs (79% women) will be supported to develop and enhance their businesses; 2,900 construction artisans and mechanics working in the informal sector will also receive support to enhance quality and productivity and 2,000 unskilled youth will be trained in economic skills for employment and job creation. The programme is expected to generate 7,740 direct permanent and 4,700 temporary jobs. The five states that form this program includes Borno, Adamawa, Bauchi, Gombe and Taraba.
The Bank’s support will reach over 10 million affected people including about 2 million IDPs of which 53 % are women, and 57 % are children with restoration of effective and efficient basic service delivery including interventions in water and sanitation, health and nutrition and education.
The Bank’s approval marks a “building better” approach and underpins efforts aimed at tackling key causal push factors of the Boko Haram insurgency to help curtail the risk of fueling further escalations and terrorism. These efforts is also in alignment with interventions by Development Partners within the Recovery and Peace Building Framework (World Bank, IsDB, EU, DFID, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation etc.) which seeks to support the implementation of the “Buhari Plan”.
The Bank remains a committed partner to Nigeria socio economic efforts and is among early partners to contribute to operationalizing the Buhari Plan.
17,000 children recruited since 2013. Thousands more killed, abducted and sexually assaulted
JUBA, 15 December 2016– Three years after fighting first erupted in South Sudan, children continue to be recruited by armed forces and armed groups, with 1,300 children recruited in 2016, UNICEF said today. This brings to more than 17,000 the total number of children used in the conflict since 2013.
“Since the first day of this conflict, children have been the ones most devastatingly affected by the violations,” said UNICEF’s Regional Director for Eastern and Southern Africa, Leila Gharagozloo-Pakkala.
“Now, as the fighting intensifies – and despite repeated pledges by all to end child recruitment – children are once again being targeted.”
Since November, the UN has documented at least 50 children who were abducted and recruited in the Greater Upper Nile region, with unverified reports that an additional 50 children may have been recruited in the Greater Bahr el Ghazal region. The UN has also received reports of grave violations against children committed in the Greater Equatorias region; however, due to high insecurity and restricted access, it has not been possible to verify these reports.
A total of 1,932 children have been released by armed forces and armed groups– 1,755 in 2015 and 177 this year.
The two largest parties to the conflict – the SPLA and the SPLA in Opposition - have both signed agreements with the United Nations to end and prevent the recruitment and the use of children.
As the children of South Sudan continue to search for the peace dividend that independence promised, violations of child rights have been widespread throughout the conflict, UNICEF said, with children having been killed, abducted and sexually assaulted. Since 2013, UNICEF and partners have documented:
Ongoing insecurity, combined with an economic crisis that has pushed inflation above 800 percent, has also created widespread food insecurity, with malnutrition among children having reached emergency levels in most parts of the country.
So far this year, UNICEF and partners have admitted 184,000 children for treatment of severe malnutrition. That is 50 percent higher than the number treated last year and an increase of 135 percent over 2014.
“UNICEF’s concern is that with the prospect of increased hostilities and atrocities, the suffering that children have endured will have no end,” said Ms Gharagozloo-Pakkala. “The children of South Sudan must no longer live under constant fear of hunger or conflict. They need sustained peace, care and support.”
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About UNICEF
UNICEF promotes the rights and wellbeing of every child, in everything we do. Together with our partners, we work in 190 countries and territories to translate that commitment into practical action, focusing special effort on reaching the most vulnerable and excluded children, to the benefit of all children, everywhere.
For more information about UNICEF and its work visit: www.unicef.org
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For further information, please contact:
Marianna Zaichykova, UNICEF South Sudan, +211 95 686 9134/ +211 91 564 2437 mzaichykova@unicef.org
Mercy Kolok, UNICEF South Sudan, +211 955 639 658 mkolok@unicef.org
James Elder, Regional Chief of Communication, UNICEF Eastern & Southern Africa, +254 715 581 222; jelder@unicef.org
Sécurité
La situation sécuritaire dans la région de l’Extrême-Nord est relativement calme. Aucun incident majeur n’a été signalé durant la période en revue. Cependant, la menace terroriste demeure une grande préoccupation pour les autorités administratives, les forces de défense et les populations civiles qui renforcent les mesures de surveillance du territoire, dans les localités frontalières, les centres urbains et les voies de communication en vue de faire face aux éventuelles attaques terroristes et aux autres actes de criminalité dans la région.
Développements majeurs
Le Représentant du HCR a procédé à la réception des tuyaux PEHD à Maroua dans le cadre du projet conjoint HCRCAMWATER en vue d’alimenter le camp de Minawao en eau potable. La pose de ces tuyaux permettra de conduire l’eau potable tout le long du trajet Mokolo - Minawao et d’alimenter non seulement le camp, mais également les villages environnants.
Une mission américaine du Bureau pour la Population, les Réfugiés et les Migrations (BPRM) a séjourné dans les localités de Meiganga, Ngam et Ndokayo le 06 décembre. Elle s’est entretenue avec les leaders des groupes de réfugiés centrafricains et les partenaires humanitaires, en vue d’apprécier le niveau de réalisation des activités relatives à la sécurité alimentaire au profit des réfugiés dans les régions de l’Est et de l’Adamaoua ; de s’enquérir des défis auxquels font face les réfugiés et le PAM suite à la réduction de 50% de la ration alimentaire ; et de se rendre compte des activités développées dans le cadre de l’autonomisation des réfugiés.
Un total de 20 réfugiés du camp de Minawao participera à la 5ème édition des jeux olympiques nationaux (dixiades) qui se déroulent du 10 au 20 Décembre à Ebolowa dans la région du Sud Cameroun. Ces jeunes réfugiés compètiront, aux côtés de jeunes sportifs de chacune des 10 régions du Cameroun, dans les disciplines d’athlétisme (100, 200, 1500 et 5000 mètres -filles et garçons), de lancer du poids-garçons et de lutte traditionnelle-garçons.
Le HCR a participé aux côtés des administrations publiques Camerounais, à un atelier de sensibilisation des parlementaires sur l'état des droits de l'Homme, le défi de la gestion des déplacés internes au Cameroun, l'apatridie et les risques d'apatridie ; atelier tenu le 1er Décembre à l’Assemblée Nationale. A travers une présentation, le HCR a édifié les parlementaires sur les risques d’apatridie, ses causes, ses conséquences et ses attentes à l’endroit des parlementaires, notamment la ratification par le Cameroun des deux Conventions Internationales sur le Statut des Apatrides et la Réduction des Risques d’Apatridie.
Highlights
The Rural Resilience Initiative (R4) held a number of monitoring missions in the implementing regions of Tambacounda, Kolda and Kaffrine. The preliminary results show a number of rice fields badly affected by the early end of rains in September. As a consequence, the projections on the harvest in the areas visited are quite negative in comparison with last year’s results.
WFP Assistance
WFP provides food and nutrition assistance in all 14 regions of Senegal. WFP increasingly aims to target the most vulnerable communities with an integrated assistance package for better results. WFP envisions a hunger free Senegal, in which food-insecure households have access to adequate nutritious food all year around and vulnerable populations are resilient to shocks and are able to rely on integrated sustainable food systems.
Through its PRRO and CP, WFP maintains a twin track response - responding to shocks and assisting populations in their early recovery, while continuing efforts to build resilience in anticipation of shocks.
WFP adopts multi-annual planning for its resilience interventions (Rural Resilience Initiative-R4, Food assistance for Asset (FFA) and Village Security Stock) with a focus on the same vulnerable communities over two to three years.
WFP continues to support the Government’s leadership in food security and nutrition. WFP partners with national counterparts on food and nutrition analysis, early warning and the expansion of rural development and social safety nets programmes. WFP also invests in communities’ ownership and strengthening of monitoring and evaluation activities to ensure the quality and performance of programmes.
Overall, activities include targeted food assistance, supplementary feeding, school meals and FFA.
WFP is also prioritising local procurement - through the Purchase from Africans for Africa (PAA) partnership with FAO and Brazil - and cash-based transfers (CBT).
Jointly with Oxfam WFP is extending R4, a Rural Resilience Initiative, which mobilises rural communities to build agricultural assets with elements of insurance, credit and savings.
Senegal’s gender indicators reveal the disadvantaged position of girls and women. WFP is mainstreaming gender sensitivity as an integral part of every project.
WFP implements tailored interventions across the agriculture, education and nutrition sectors to contribute towards gender equality and women’s empowerment and access to food for people living with disability and the elderly. Moreover, efforts are made by WFP and local partners to facilitate "special distributions at home".
Highlights
WFP Assistance
The school meals project focuses on strengthening the overall institutional and policy framework for a national school meals system and consolidating and improving the gains achieved in access to pre-primary and primary education. Key activities include nutrition education and a cash-based transfer pilot which links school meals to local markets and small scale farmers.
South-South Cooperation programme to strengthen broader social protection initiatives in The Gambia has been finalized with the WFP Centre of Excellence in Brazil.
Following request for support from the Government, IR-EMOP 201036 has been activated to assist 10,000 affected by 2016 heavy rains and windstorms. WFP’s assistance is part of a multi sectoral response plan by the Government, other UN Agencies and NGOs. Food assistance through cash transfers will be provided to targeted households for three months. SCOPE, a corporate digital platform for transfer management and the registration of people assisted by WFP will be used for the implementation of cash transfers.
The Protracted Relief and Recovery Operation (PRRO) seeks to provide assistance to food insecure and vulnerable households, particularly children with moderate acute malnutrition, children of 6-23 months and pregnant and nursing women, especially during the lean season. The operation targets 157,100 people.
Pour les « Prix Producteurs »
Les prix collectés ce mois de novembre 2016, nous indiquent que :
Riz Gambiaka : le prix le moins cher est 250 enregistré à Kléla dans la région de Sikasso,
Siengo et Niono sont à 300 FCFA/kg et 400 le plus cher toujours à Sofara dans la région de Mopti.
Tendance actuelle à la baisse.
Riz Adny11 : il est à Niono et Siengo à 300 FCFA/kg contre 350 à Baguineda dans la région de Koulikoro.
Tendance : stabilité.
Riz local BG : il se vend à 350 à Baguinéda (Koulikoro) et 375 FCFA/kg à Sofara (Mopti).
Tendance : stabilité.
Riz Local étuvé : il est vendu à 400 FCFA/kg maximum à Niono et Siengo, Sofara (Mopti) enregistre 325 et enfin 225 à Klela (Sikasso).
Tendance à la baisse.
Paddy : le prix des différentes variétés varie entre 140 et 150 à Niono et Siengo toute variété confondue.
Tendance : stabilité.
Les Semences : les prix des différentes variétés restent stable 300 FCFA/kg à Niono et Siengo sauf pour les variétés Kogoni 281 et Adny R2 275 à Siengo.
Tendance : stabilité.
N’DJAMENA – The World Food Programme (WFP) welcomes a one-million euro contribution from the European Union through the Instrument Contributing to Stability and Peace. This contribution takes the EU’s financial support to WFP in the Lake Chad region to 4,5 million euros. It will allow WFP to provide more than emergency relief for 12,500 families, comprised of 62,500 very vulnerable people in the west of the Sahelian belt.
The region has been suffering dramatically from insecurity. Massive population displacement has contributed to a deterioration of the food and nutritional situation. Malnutrition rates are near the emergency threshold. Displaced people and host communities have seen their livelihoods directly affected by the crisis, with reduced cross-border trade and very limited agricultural and fishing activities.
“This important contribution from one of our main donors is based on two principles: the liking of food assistance to the creation of assets and the direct involvement of beneficiaries from the start. Consultations and dialogue allow the most vulnerable families to indicate what support they need most,” said WFP Country Director for Chad Mary-Ellen McGroarty. “This long-term approach, which goes beyond emergency assistance, brings us closer to achieving Zero Hunger.”
Over the 18 months of the project, WFP’s assistance, in exchange for the creation of community assets, will be delivered through cash transfers. This empowers people by giving them the control over their food supply, and stimulates the local economy through direct purchases on local markets.
“This contribution will help develop self-reliance and enable vulnerable people, including the displaced, to live in dignity and contribute to their host communities. It will also pave the way for bridging humanitarian and development interventions, through a comprehensive approach to the crisis,” said Denisa-Elena Ionete, Ambassador, Chief of the Delegation of the European Union in Chad. “The empowerment of local communities, and the fostering of integrated local development, are at the heart of this approach.”
In the Lake Chad region, WFP is working closely with UNICEF and FAO. The project supported by the European Union will also be implemented in partnership with the local authorities and community-based organizations. It will improve natural resource management for the development of agriculture, forestry and fisheries. Resource optimization is particularly important in this region strongly affected by climate change.
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WFP is the world's largest humanitarian agency fighting hunger worldwide, delivering food in emergencies and working with communities to build resilience. Each year, WFP assists some 80 million people in around 80 countries.
Follow us on Twitter: @WFP_WAfrica; @WFP_Media
For more information please contact:
Nathalie Magnien, WFP/Tchad, Mob. +235 66 99 30 40
KEY POINTS
The decrease in rainfall in October marks the end of the rainy season across West Africa and the Sahel. Following the start of harvests, the good prospects of production, announced with regard to the favourable rainfalls of this rainy season, remain to be confirmed. At the same time, the impact of floods in certain countries has to be evaluated. Livestock feed supply from natural pasture is characterized by a good development and regeneration of agropastoral lands. The physical condition of animals is also overall satisfactory. The locust situation remains very concerning throughout the summer breeding areas of the Sahel. This situation, particularly in certain areas of Mauritania, remains a threat that could potentially lead to a resurgence. The Rift Valley Fever outbreak in Niger may worsen, resulting in more human deaths. In order to avoid negative impacts on livestock and human health, preventive and curative measures must continue.
N’DJAMENA– Le Programme alimentaire mondial des Nations Unies (PAM) se réjouit de la généreuse contribution de l’Union européenne, versée à travers l’Instrument contribuant à la stabilité et la Paix, d’un montant d’un millions d’euros.
Grâce cette contribution, le soutien financier de l’Union Européenne dans la région du Lac Tchad atteint 4,5 millions d’Euros. Le PAM sera ainsi en mesure d’assister 12 500 familles, soit 62 500 personnes très vulnérables dans l’ouest de la bande sahélienne. Cette intervention est primordiale dans une région défavorisée, où l’insécurité a contribué à une détérioration de la situation nutritionnelle et alimentaire notamment en raison des déplacements massifs de populations.
Dans la région du Lac, le taux de malnutrition est proche du seuil d’urgence. Les personnes déplacées et les communautés d’accueil ont vu leurs moyens de subsistance directement affectés avec un commerce transfrontalier réduit et des activités agricoles ou liées à la pêche particulièrement limitées.
« Cette importante contribution de l’un de nos principaux donateurs est basée sur un double principe : l’assistance alimentaire pour la création d’actifs et l’implication directe des bénéficiaires dès le début. A travers des discussions, les familles les plus vulnérables identifient le soutien dont elles ont besoin en priorité » a déclaré Mary-Ellen McGroarty. Pour la directrice du PAM au Tchad, « cette approche à long terme, au-delà de l’assistance d’urgence, est l’un des moyens d’atteindre l’Objectif Zéro Faim ».
Pendant les 18 mois du projet, l’assistance du PAM sera fournie en échange de la réalisation d’activités de création d’actifs communautaires. Elle prendra la forme de transferts monétaires: cette modalité permet d’autonomiser les personnes assistées en leur redonnant le contrôle de leur approvisionnement, tout en stimulant l’économie locale par des achats directs sur les marchés.
«Cette somme aidera à l’auto-suffisance et permettra aux personnes vulnérables, y compris les déplacés, de vivre dans la dignité au sein de leurs communautés d’accueil. Elle ouvre également la voie à un lien renforcé entre interventions humanitaires et de développement grâce à une approche globale de la crise. L’autonomisation des communautés locales et un développement local intégré sont au cœur de cette approche » a affirmé Denisa-Elena Ionete, Ambassadeur, Chef de Délégation de l'Union européenne au Tchad.
Dans la région du Lac, le PAM travaille étroitement avec l’UNICEF et la FAO. La contribution de la Commission européenne sera également mise en œuvre en collaboration avec les autorités et communautés locales, afin d’améliorer la gestion des ressources naturelles pour le développement d’un potentiel agro- et sylvo-pastoral et halieutique. Cette optimisation des ressources est d’autant plus importante dans une zone marquée par les répercussions du changement climatique.
Le PAM est la plus grande agence humanitaire qui lutte contre la faim dans le monde en distribuant une assistance alimentaire dans les situations d'urgence et en travaillant avec les communautés pour améliorer leur état nutritionnel et renforcer leur résilience. Chaque année, le PAM apporte une assistance à quelque 80 millions de personnes dans près de 80 pays.
Suite à la crise migratoire et humanitaire conséquente à l’expulsion massive de personnes d’origine subsaharienne vers le Niger, Sa Majesté le Roi Mohammed VI, Que Dieu L’assiste, a donné Ses Très Hautes Instructions afin qu’une aide d’urgence de la Fondation Mohammed V pour la Solidarité, de l’Agence Marocaine de Coopération Internationale et du Ministère de l’Intérieur, soit accordée à ces personnes expulsées et se trouvant en situation de précarité extrême dans un centre au Nord du Niger.
Cette action, qui s’inscrit dans le cadre de la solidarité active du Maroc avec les pays et les peuples du continent, consistera en la distribution d’un kit humanitaire composé de produits alimentaires, de couvertures ainsi que de tentes.
Elle vise aussi à aider le Niger frère à répondre à une situation d’exception qui pourrait avoir une évolution humaine dramatique.
Cette aide porte sur un volume total de 116 tonnes.
This brief summarizes FEWS NET’s most forward-looking analysis of projected emergency food assistance needs in FEWS NET coverage countries. The projected size of each country’s acutely food insecure population (IPC Phase 3 and higher) is compared to last year and the recent five-year average and categorized as Higher ( p), Similar ( u), or Lower ( q). Countries where external emergency food assistance needs are anticipated are identified. Projected lean season months highlighted in red indicate either an early start or an extension to the typical lean season. Additional information is provided for countries with large food insecure populations, an expectation of high severity, or where other key issues warrant additional discussion. Analytical confidence is lower in remote monitoring countries, denoted by “RM”. Visit www.fews.net for detailed country reports.
