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Mali: Visite de dr Marie Madeleine Togo, sur le chantier de l’unité périnatale à Sébénikoro

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Source: Government of the Republic of Mali
Country: Mali, Morocco

Écrit par Niakaling SISSOKO

Le Ministre de la Santé et de l’Hygiène Publique, Dr Marie Madeleine Togo était ce jeudi, 28 janvier 2016, sur le chantier de construction de l’Unité Périnatale à Sébénikoro dans la commune IV du district de Bamako. L’infrastructure d’une capacité d’accueil de 74 lits est le fruit d’une volonté commune de Son excellence Ibrahim Boubacar Kéïta, Président de la République du Mali et du Roi du Maroc, Sa Majesté Mohamed VI et témoigne l’excellente amitié entre les deux peuples. L’Unité Périnatale dont les travaux ont démarré en 2014, est bâtie sur une superficie de 7 hectares. Les travaux sont exécutés à 100%, pour ce qui concerne les grosses œuvres et 60 à 70% pour les installations électriques et bien d’autres travaux de finition.

La fin des travaux est prévue dans deux mois. La principale difficulté évoquée par les responsables du chantier est l’importation des matériaux de construction qui viennent pour la plupart du Maroc. Le maître d’ouvrage est la Fondation Mohamed VI pour le Développement Durable. Le coût de l’investissement s’élève à 18 millions d’Euro.

Au-delà des services de prise en charge médicale (salles de consultation, services d’urgences et d’hospitalisation etc.), l’infrastructure intègre le volet formation des jeunes à travers la construction d’une école dans le domaine du génie civil. Ce serait un transfert de compétence sud-sud, qui va créer de l’emploi. Le modèle de construction de l’infrastructure a retenu l’attention du ministre qui a d’ailleurs instruit aux services en charge de la construction des équipements sanitaires, de s’inspirer du modèle marocain.

Dr Marie Madeleine Togo au terme de la visite guidée a exprimé toute sa joie et sa gratuité au royaume chérifien pour ce don qui va sans doute renforcer le système de santé au Mali notamment dans le domaine de la santé mère-enfant. « La réalisation de cet hôpital moderne et adapté à nos réalités, traduit la volonté commune du Président de la République, son excellence Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta et le Roi du Maroc, Sa Majesté Mohamad VI », a déclaré le Ministre qui ajoute que c’est une amitié sans faille entre nos deux peuples. Elle a rappelé le geste de solidarité du Maroc, lors de la crise de 2012, avec l’installation d’une clinique au stade Omnisport qui a pris en charge gratuitement les patients maliens à Bamako.

Enfin, le Ministre de la Santé et de l’Hygiène Publique, a rassuré les Marocains de tout l’accompagnement de son département. « Nous repartons satisfait et avec beaucoup d’espoir que l’infrastructure sera à la hauteur de l’amitié entre le Mali et le Maroc », a conclu Dr Marie Madeleine Togo.


World: Allocution de l’Envoyée Spéciale du Secrétaire général des Nations Unies pour le Sahel, Mme Hiroute Guebre Sellassie - 28 Janvier 2016

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Source: UN Special Envoy for the Sahel
Country: Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, World

Excellence, Monsieur Moussa Faki Mahamat, Ministre des Affaires Etrangères et de l’Intégration économique de la République du Tchad,

Excellence, Monsieur le Commissaire Paix et Sécurité de l’Union Africaine

Chers Représentants des pays et Envoyés Spéciaux de l’UE et de l’UAPermettez-moi –tout d’abord- de saisir cette opportunité pour vous souhaiter une bonne et heureuse année 2016.

J’espère qu’elle sera aussi synonyme de changements, d’avancées et de réalisations importantes pour la région du Sahel.

Les défis auxquels fait face le Sahel persistent. Ils sont pernicieux et tenaces. Et plus que jamais, nos actions-notre action commune- doit être guidée par deux principes fondamentaux:

1-le souci permanent de coordonner efficacement nos interventions avec les pays de la région.

2-Apporter le changement, à travers une réalisation accélérée de projets prioritaires pour les populations du Sahel.

La situation sécuritaire régionale précaire dans laquelle s’entremêlent trafic de drogue et crime organisé, radicalisation rampante et extrémisme violent, et terrorisme multiforme- exige de notre part- une réaction déterminée, cordonnée et efficace.

Les attaques récentes au Burkina et celles du mois de novembre dernier, au Mali- nous rappellent l’importance de conjuguer nos efforts, non seulement pour faire face à la menace terroriste, mais aussi pour accentuer et accélérer nos interventions dans les domaines de la gouvernance et du développement.

Les efforts considérables déployés par les cinq pays de la région et leur volonté à renforcer une action régionale forte par le biais du G5 Sahel en vue d’améliorer les conditions de vies des populations du Sahel, fait écho à notre approche et objectif commun.

Il est nécessaire de consolider nos échanges et coopération avec les pays de la région du Sahel afin de leur apporter un soutien efficace et concret.

Il est aussi urgent que nous intervenions en synergie- et en coordination avec ces pays pour lancer et réaliser des projets qui apportent un résultat utile et concret aux populations de la région.
Excellence, Monsieur le Ministre,

Chers collègues,

Je me réjouis de l’engagement et la détermination du Tchad-qui préside la Plateforme Ministérielle de Coordination des Stratégies Sahel.

Après le travail effectué par le Mali durant les deux dernières années en tant que président de la PMC- celle-ci devrai, sous l’impulsion du Tchad et l’engagement des partenaires et les pays de la région, aider à apporter des résultats concrets pour répondre aux besoins des populations de la région.

Avec l’appui du secrétariat technique et les partenaires régionaux et internationaux, il sera sans doute utile pour la PMC d’articuler un plan d’action pour les deux années à venir qui contiendra les priorités et leur mise en œuvre dans le temps.

La Présidence Tchadienne de la Plateforme Ministérielle de Coordination devrait aussi s’atteler à l’amélioration de la coordination entre les divers partenaires, notamment à travers la mise en place d’un mécanisme de partage d’information et une harmonisation effective entre la Plateforme, le Processus de Nouakchott, le G5 Sahel et les autres organisations régionales ;

Il sera important pour la PMC de renforcer le travail des quatre groupes thématiques qui sont garants de la bonne coordination entre les principaux piliers des initiatives et stratégies pour le Sahel.

A cet égard, les groupes thématiques auront à finaliser un plan de travail en consultation avec le G5 Sahel et les autres partenaires. Ils devront aussi se pencher, sur la finalisation de la cartographie sectorielle portant sur les différentes activités programmatiques en cours dans le Sahel, notamment celles liées à la sécurité et au développement.

Dans le cadre de la mise en œuvre des diverses stratégies et initiatives pour le Sahel, cette cartographie nous aidera à mieux mesurer les progrès accomplis sous les quatre piliers, et a harmoniser nos interventions respectives pour un meilleur résultat.

Excellence, Monsieur le Ministre,

Chers collègues,

Le leadership et la volonté des états doivent nous guider dans l’accomplissement de nos objectifs communs.

Nous connaissons le diagnostic sur le Sahel. Nous devons -ensemble-conjuguer nos efforts d’une manière efficace et immédiate pour répondre aux attentes légitimes des populations du Sahel.

Je vous remercie pour votre attention.

Bureau de la Communication et de l’Information Publique

Kouider Zerrouk, Chef de bureau – (+221) 33-869-8560 / 77- 3324928 – zerrouk@un.org

Vicky Delore Ndjeuga, Chargé de communication – (+221) 33-869-8544 / 77- 3339414 – ndjeuga@un.org

Angelita Mendy Diop, Chargée de communication – (+221) 33-869-8547 / 77-450-6181– mendya@un.org

World: Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy Annual Report: October 1, 2014 – September 30, 2015

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Source: Government of the United States of America, International Food Policy Research Institute, US Agency for International Development
Country: Burkina Faso, Burundi, Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Myanmar, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, World, Zambia

The Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy recently released its annual report covering research and activities progress over the past year. The overall goal of the FSP program is to promote inclusive agricultural productivity growth, improved nutritional outcomes, and enhanced livelihood resilience for men and women through improved policy environments. The goal will be achieved by fostering credible, inclusive, transparent and sustainable policy processes at country and regional levels and filling critical policy evidence gaps. The second full year of FSP implementation was also motivated by the Malabo Declaration goals of doubling smallholder productivity and tripling intra‐African trade by 2025 as a means to accelerate poverty reduction. The Leader Award supported design and implementation of two new associate in Nigeria and Senegal, building on lessons learned from associate awards launched in Burma and Malawi during the first year of FSP.

Food systems, especially in Africa, are changing rapidly. Employment generation in agriculture and the food economy is an increasingly important dimension of food security. FSP analyzes upstream and downstream food system transformation in a range of countries using a structural transformation lens. Research on upstream transformation has looked at sustainable intensification challenges (including fertilizer and seed policy), and changing land dynamics and their effect on mechanization and rural employment. This research has yielded paradigm shifting findings, especially on farm size in Africa that have been widely shared through conferences and publications as well as consultations with country ministries and other planning authorities. Similar progress has been attained on the understanding the dynamics of diet change associated with urbanization on linkages to producers and processors.

In addition to global research and engagement FSP provides demand driven strategic analytic support to USAID, national governments and other key stakeholders. This support has focused on support to the Africa Union Commission and other regional leadership forums on guidance to support implementation of the Malabo declaration.

Executive Summary

The overall goal of the FSP program is to promote inclusive agricultural productivity growth, improved nutritional outcomes, and enhanced livelihood resilience for men and women through improved policy environments. The goal will be achieved by fostering credible, inclusive, transparent and sustainable policy processes at country and regional levels and filling critical policy evidence gaps. The second full year of FSP implementation was also motivated by the Malabo Declaration goals of doubling smallholder productivity and tripling intra‐African trade by 2025 as a means to accelerate poverty reduction. The Leader Award supported design and implementation of two new associate in Nigeria and Senegal, building on lessons learned from associate awards launched in Burma and Malawi during the first year of FSP.

Activities in West Africa have focused on supporting ECOWAS to establish a regional agriculture joint sector review (JSR).
The JSR represents a key instrument for supporting mutual accountability and implementing the CAADP result framework. It allows a broad spectrum of stakeholders to contribute to overall policies and priorities in the agricultural sector. Through FSP, MSU and IFPRI are contributing to an assessment of the agricultural sector performance in collaboration with national and regional experts. Workshops were held in June and July to discuss the support required by ECOWAS from various technical partners: key outcomes included a roadmap, work plan and common indicators for the regional JSR. FSP also coordinated reviews of the regional seed, fertilizer, pesticide and veterinary drug policies.

These reviews fed into the broader process designed to address gaps and weaknesses in terms of technical and institutional capacity and promote best practices in the sector. The findings will be incorporated in the JSR report to be presented at the ECOWAP10 Conference to be held in Dakar November 17‐19, 2015.

Rice is the most widely traded food commodity In West Africa. A regional model to simulate the impacts of the regional rice self‐sufficiency policy on trade, poverty and food security was expanded to include seven countries. ECOWAS is the main user of the regional rice model to inform and guide its regional rice program (rice production targets and proposed investment levels). The model was also used to assess the effects of the Ebola crisis on food security in Guinea. This timely analysis is relevant for the JSR process in Guinea as it will help inform the establishment of baselines for key indicators to be monitored through the country’s JSR.

In Ghana, a joint MSU‐IFPRI‐IFDC‐AFAP team developed proposals for an integrated soil fertility program for Ghana and discussed these with the Minister of Agriculture as well as with a convening of public and private sector stakeholders in Accra presided over by the Deputy Minister of Agriculture.

In Mali, FSP completed preliminary reviews of the seed and fertilizer system and piloted a multiple‐visit household survey to generate evidence on input access, utilization and productivity impacts in relation to subsidy costs. FSP launched a new associate award funded by USAID Nigeria to strengthen the capacity of the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and expand engagement with university‐based applied policy researchers.

The FSP project in East and Southern Africa has been active in support of New Alliance policy commitments in Malawi and Tanzania. In Malawi, the FSP team facilitated broad stakeholder consultation on the proposed National Agricultural Policy, resulting in a much improved relationship between civil society and the Ministry of Agriculture, Irrigation and Water Development (MoAIWD). The team contributed to reviews of seed, fertilizer and contract farming policies and provided the Minister of Agriculture, Irrigation and Water Development (MoAIWD) with reform options for parastatal marketing and the Farm Input Subsidy Program (FISP). Significant changes were subsequently introduced to reduce the FISP program cost and improve transparency. FSP has strengthened the capacity of Ministry staff and promoted interest in planning additional courses for policymakers and journalists.

In Tanzania, FSP broke the deadlock between proponents and opponents to a key new alliance policy commitment, reform of Local Government Authority (LGA) crop taxation (cess). The combination of an FSP‐led LGA study to provide new empirical analysis on the incidence and consequences of the current tax system, combined with vigorous and targeted policy outreach, built consensus among all stakeholders for lower and harmonized crop cess rates. Following review by an inter‐ministerial committee a white paper is now ready for submission to the President and Parliament for approval. FSP used this reform process to build capacity for policy analysis and stakeholder engagement by working with government staff in every stage of the LGA crop cess study and related policy outreach activities. As part of this reform effort, FSP worked with LGA officials to coordinate the development and pilot phase of an e‐payment system for crop cess collection to improve tax collection efficiency, reduce potential for corruption, and increase compliance. A directive has been issued to implement this system in all 166 LGAs. See Appendix A for more details on these two policy reform successes.

In Burma, FSP works closely with civil society organizations to build their capacity for evidence‐based policy analysis and advocacy. Lack of information on the organization and performance of agriculture and the rural economy is a major constraint on guiding public policy and investment. FSP partners with the Myanmar Development Resource Institute‐ Centre for Economic and Social Development to study under‐appreciated sectors such as aquaculture (the country’s fastest growing source of fish protein) and pulses (the largest agricultural export in volume and value terms) to unlock their growth potential. The studies have also been utilized by government and donors to develop recovery strategies following this year’s extensive flood damage in central and lower Burma. FSP and MDRI‐CESD undertook a household level rural livelihoods survey in Mon State as a basis for a rural development strategy to support the government’s decentralization efforts. In collaboration with the Food Security Working Group, FSP undertook training for 30 participants in policy analysis and advocacy methods to increase civil society organizations ability to engage with government on policy change (See appendix A for more details on this success story).

Understanding the political economy context and institutional architecture constraints for policy reform are critical to the design of successful policies and reform processes. FSP conducts global collaborative research and outreach to inform best practices in policy process and capacity building. The innovative conceptual framework developed during year 1 was applied to case studies of policy change – three each on fertilizer and micronutrient policy. A toolkit for analysis of policy systems is being developed for use by USAID country missions and FSP country teams. An inventory of innovations in policy institutional architecture has also been developed as the basis for further case studies in year 3.

Food systems, especially in Africa, are changing rapidly. Employment generation in agriculture and the food economy is an increasingly important dimension of food security. FSP analyzes upstream and downstream food system transformation in a range of countries using a structural transformation lens. Research on upstream transformation has looked at sustainable intensification challenges (including fertilizer and seed policy), and changing land dynamics and their effect on mechanization and rural employment. This research has yielded paradigm shifting findings, especially on farm size in Africa (see Appendix A) that have been widely shared through conferences and publications as well as consultations with country ministries and other planning authorities. Similar progress has been attained on the understanding the dynamics of diet change associated with urbanization on linkages to producers and processors.

In addition to global research and engagement FSP provides demand driven strategic analytic support to USAID, national governments and other key stakeholders. This support has focused on support to the Africa Union Commission and other regional leadership forums on guidance to support implementation of the Malabo declaration.

Nigeria: 50 feared killed as Boko Haram hits NE Nigeria village

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Source: Agence France-Presse
Country: Nigeria

Maiduguri, Nigeria | AFP | Sunday 1/31/2016 - 20:38 GMT

by Dukar Hussain with Stephane Yas in N'Djamena

Around 50 people were killed when Boko Haram fighters armed with guns and explosives attacked a village in northeastern Nigeria, medics and local residents said on Sunday.

It was the third deadly attack to hit Nigeria's restive northeast since Wednesday, after suicide bombers killed at least 24 people in two separate attacks on towns to the south.

Nigeria's army said the gunmen attacked Dalori just outside the northern city of Maiduguri late on Saturday, burning down the village and sending residents fleeing into the bush.

The attack was swiftly condemned by the European Union, which said it was committed to supporting regional African states in the fight against such extremist groups.

Regional health officials said they were still counting the victims, but gave an interim toll of 46 dead.

"We are still working on the actual death toll. The bodies were collected by different teams and we are going round the hospitals collating the number of bodies taken there," said Mohammed Kanar, head of the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) for northeast Nigeria.

"At the moment we have over 46 dead and 35 injured... We need to wait till tomorrow to get an exact toll."

Residents and an aid worker said at least 50 people were killed in the assault which took place after evening prayers in the mostly Muslim region.

"We were seated outside our home shortly after the Isha prayer when we heard gunshots and within a few minutes the invaders had arrived," Malam Masa Dalori, a community leader, told AFP.

"They came in Golf saloon cars and began to shoot sporadically. Many people ran to the bush including myself," he said.

  • 'Whole village razed' -

"When we came back in the morning the entire community had been razed. At least 50 people were killed, and there are many people wounded," he added.

An aid worker who did not want to be named, also put the number of dead at more than 50.

Visiting the scene on Sunday, an AFP correspondent found the village largely reduced to piles of smoking ashes scattered with charred cooking pots and household items.

Small groups of women and children sat on the ground, gazing at the devastation as men wandered past burnt-out cars and ruined structures blackened by fire.

Army spokesman Colonel Mustapha Anka said the assailants had opened fire after arriving in the village on motorbikes and in two cars and had then begun torching homes.

Three female suicide bombers who initially tried to mingle with the villagers "were intercepted then blew themselves up," he said.

The assailants also tried to penetrate a camp for people displaced by the Boko Haram insurgency situated just outside the village, but were repelled by troops, he said.

  • 'Join the fight' -

Separately, another three people were killed and 56 wounded in two suicide attacks on Chadian villages in the Lake Chad region, a local security official said.

In the first attack, a bomber on a motorcycle blew himself up in Guie village, killing one and injuring 32, while a second bomber hit Miterine village killing two and wounded 24.

The Lake Chad region, which borders Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Niger, has been frequently targeted by Boko Haram and all four countries have formed a coalition along with Benin to fight the group.

Following the Nigeria attack, the EU reiterated the bloc's commitment to provide 50 million euros ($54 million) "to assist countries of the region to fight terrorism".

"The EU remains committed to providing a comprehensive range of political, development and humanitarian support to Nigeria and the region in tackling this threat and in ensuring the sound development of the region," it said.

Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari, who in December alleged that Nigeria had largely won the fight against Boko Haram, urged local people to help the security forces in their bid to crush the group.

"I urge all citizens wherever they live to own the war against terror and to be part of the fight because it is the only way we can finish the remaining work that needs to be done to make our country safe again," he said in a statement.

Boko Haram which seeks a hardline Islamic state in northern Nigeria has killed some 17,000 people and forced more than 2.6 million others to flee their homes since 2009.

burs/hmw/mfp

© 1994-2016 Agence France-Presse

Egypt: 22 killed in Egypt as heavy fog causes road crashes

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Source: Agence France-Presse
Country: Egypt

Cairo, Egypt | AFP | Sunday 1/31/2016 - 13:00 GMT

Bad weather including heavy fog caused two major traffic accidents in Egypt on Sunday that left at least 22 people dead, officials said.

The deadlier accident saw 16 people killed and 21 wounded in multiple car crashes near Beni Sueif on the highway linking Cairo to Upper Egypt, police said.

Two dozen vehicles were involved in the accident, police said, blaming thick early morning fog.

Six people were killed and three others wounded when a truck ferrying workers crashed into a train at a railway crossing south of Cairo, police said.

The driver of the truck was unable to see the closed railway crossing due to fog and crashed his vehicle into the train, police said.

Egypt is notorious for traffic accidents due to its poorly maintained roads and little enforcement of traffic regulations.

The World Health Organization says traffic accidents account for nearly 12,000 deaths annually in Egypt.

str-mon-jds/mm

Nigeria: Nigeria: Reinstatement of army general implicated in mass murder makes mockery of commitments to end war crimes

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Source: Amnesty International
Country: Nigeria

The reinstatement of a senior Nigerian military general implicated in the mass murder of hundreds of detainees underlines the monumental failure of the government to stamp out impunity for war crimes at the highest level, said Amnesty International.

Last June, Amnesty International named Major General Ahmadu Mohammed, along with eight other senior commanders, calling for an investigation into their possible criminal responsibility for war crimes including the deaths of more than 8,000 of detainees.

Major General Ahmadu, was in charge of 7 Division and was in command of operations when the military executed more than 640 detainees following a Boko Haram attack on the detention centre in Giwa barracks on 14 March 2014. He was retired in 2014 for unrelated reasons, but reinstated this month.

An in depth report exposed a range of war crimes and possible crimes against humanity committed by the military in the course of operations against Boko Haram. It found that, since March 2011, more than 7,000 were starved, suffocated, and tortured to death in military detention camps. A further 1,200 were rounded up and unlawfully killed.

“Major General Mohammed must be investigated for participating in, sanctioning or failing to prevent the deaths of hundreds of people,” said Salil Shetty, Secretary General of Amnesty International.

“Young men and boys, rounded up by the military, were either shot, starved, suffocated or tortured to death and no one has yet been held to account. It is unthinkable that Major General Muhammed could resume command of troops before an investigation has even begun.”   

The report, Stars on their shoulders, blood on their hands: War crimes committed by the Nigerian military, was based on years of research and analysis of evidence - including leaked military reports and correspondence, as well as interviews with more than 400 victims, eyewitnesses and senior members of the Nigerian security forces. It exposed a range of war crimes and possible crimes against humanity committed by the military in the course of operations against Boko Haram. It found that, since March 2011, more than 7,000 were starved, suffocated, and tortured to death in military detention camps. A further 1,200 were rounded up and unlawfully killed. 

It named nine senior Nigerian military figures along the chain of command who should be investigated for potential command and individual responsibility for the crimes committed. Hours after the publication of the report on 3 June, President Buhari responded personally on Twitter to say: "I assure you that your report will be looked into…This administration will leave no stone unturned to promote the rule of law, and deal with all cases of human rights abuses." Likewise the President announced on 12 June 2015 that investigating criminal responsibility for the violations documented in Amnesty International’s report would be the first task of the Attorney General. This investigation is yet to begin. 

Since the publication of the report, four of the named military commanders have retired. Two others had already retired prior to the publication of the report. The current status of two Brigadier Generals is unknown. Major General Mohammed was removed from his post on 16 May 2014 two days after a reported mutiny by his own men. News of his reinstatement reached Amnesty International on 17 January.

"Seven months after the publication of these horrific discoveries and the President’s pledge that they will be looked into, we continue to call for urgent independent investigations to begin,” said Salil Shetty.

“Those responsible for the crimes detailed in Amnesty International’s report must be held to account, no matter their rank or position. Only then can there be justice for the dead and their relatives.”

BACKGROUND

In November 2015, the Office of the Prosecutor at the International Criminal Court, identified two potential cases of crimes against humanity and war crimes by the Nigerian military. These relate to the arrest, detention, torture and death in custody of Boko Haram suspects and extrajudicial executions, including of recaptured detainees on 14 March 2014.

The prosecutor is assessing the admissibility of the potential cases in order to reach a decision on whether the criteria for opening an investigation are met.

Amnesty International’s report into human rights violations by the military was published on 3 June 2015. Based on the evidence it uncovered, the organization believes that the following military officers should be investigated for potential individual or command responsibility for the war crimes of murder, enforced disappearance and torture detailed in this report:

Major General Ahmadu Mohammed - reinstated. He was Commander of 7 Division from 24 February until 16 May 2014. During this period, Amnesty International continued to document arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention of thousands of people in inhumane conditions, the deaths in custody of large numbers of detainees and extrajudicial executions committed by Nigerian troops under his command. In addition, Major General Ahmadu Mohammed was in charge of military operations when, in the aftermath of a Boko Haram attack on Giwa Barracks, Nigerian military executed more than 640 former detainees. Major General Mohammed was reinstated in January 2016 and is waiting to be assigned a post.

Major General John A.H. Ewansiha - currently retired. He was General Officer Commanding (GOC) of Operation Restore Order I (ORO) and Operation BOYONA between January 2012 and August 2013. As GOC of ORO and Operation BOYONA, he was informed about the arbitrary arrest and unlawful detention of thousands of people in inhumane conditions, the deaths in custody of large numbers of detainees and extrajudicial executions in areas under his command in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states.

He received regular reports indicating the commission of these crimes by his subordinates and failed to take measures to stop and prevent them or to bring those responsible to account. In August 2013, he became Chief of Standards and Evaluation at Army Headquarters and Chief of Training and Operations at Army Headquarters.

Major General Obida T Ethan - currently retired. He was Commander of 7 Division from 22 August 2013 until 1 January 2014. Major General Ethan took over the command of the military operations in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states in August 2013 from Major General Ewansiha. During this period, Amnesty International continued to document arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention of thousands of people in inhumane conditions, the deaths in custody of large numbers of detainees and extrajudicial executions committed by Nigerian troops under his command.

Brigadier General Austin O. Edokpayi – status unknown. He was in command of the Multinational Joint Task Force based in Baga from at least April 2013 until December 2013 where Nigerian soldiers were responsible for arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention, the extrajudicial executions of more than 185 people in April 2013, and deaths in custody in Baga detention facility.

Brigadier General Rufus O. Bamigboye – status unknown. He was Commander of the 21 Armoured Brigade, stationed in Giwa barracks from February 2012 till September 2013. He was in charge of the barracks during the period when at least 5,000 detainees died in custody, and when torture and ill-treatment were used routinely. In December 2013, he was promoted to Deputy Director of Operations at Defence Headquarters. According to media reports, Brigadier General Bamigboye was appointed Chief of Staff of 81 Division in July 2015. Amnesty International has not been able to verify his current status.

In addition, Amnesty International believes that the following high-level military commanders should be investigated for their potential command responsibility for crimes committed by their subordinates given that they knew or should have known about the commission of the crimes, and failed to take adequate action:

Lt. General Azubuike Ihejirika. He was Chief of Army Staff from September 2010 until he retired in January 2014. Admiral Ola Sa'ad Ibrahim. He was Chief of Defence Staff from 4 October 2012 until he retired in January 2014.

Chad: "Water is a huge paradox in Chad"

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Source: Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation
Country: Chad

Rémadji Mani has worked as a national programme officer for the SDC in Chad since 2014. She was a guest speaker at the SDC annual conference in 2015 on the topic of the 2030 Agenda, where she spoke during a round table on universality in water management practices in Chad and in Switzerland. We met her ahead of the conference.

Chad faces many challenges in the water sector. A large part of the country suffers from a chronic shortage of water, even though the country has extensive underground and surface resources. The existing infrastructure does not guarantee secure access to water for all and global warming and a growing population further complicate the situation. Rémadji Mani sees the 2030 Agenda as a reason for hope.

What water projects has the SDC launched in Chad?

There is no specific water programme, but the SDC organises different projects linked to water management. I can tell you about four of them. The project to map water resources launched in 2015 has made it possible to put in place a system to record information on water resources and produce hydrogeological maps for the country.

The drinking water, hygiene and sanitation project aims to reduce waterborne diarrhoeal disease in certain districts. It has improved the health of 300'000 people thanks to new drilling, rehabilitation of drinking-water sources and the building of latrines and handwashing facilities.

Another project supports pastoral livestock farming, which is the main source of income for communities in the Sahelian and Saharan regions of Chad. Three regions – 700'000 people – benefit from this project. A hundred pastoral wells, 10 dugouts and 500 kilometres of grazing corridors have already been created, in addition to support for livestock farming.

Finally, storm-water management in the Sahel region of Chad aims to reduce desertification and contribute to the food security of 100,000 people. River weirs have been built, which has led to the rehabilitation and irrigation of several valleys.

Why is this partnership between Switzerland and Chad important?

Switzerland is one of Chad's biggest donors. In fact, I'd even say it's Chad's biggest donor if you consider how long Switzerland has offered continued support, and the trust built over more than 50 years. The SDC works with innovative long-term projects that always bring results. The government in Chad often cites them in example.

Switzerland helped Chad to revise its cooperation strategy and set out areas of activity and geographic focuses. Poor rural communities are first in line for assistance. The partnership is based on trust and dialogue. The Chadian ministry in charge co-chairs the steering committee of the Swiss programmes. The problems are identified in joint agreement with the Chadian representatives. The partnership is going well and is still important in the eyes of the local people.

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development reminded us that 884 million people worldwide do not have access to safe drinking water and that agriculture accounts for 70% of usage. What is the situation in Chad?

52% of Chadians have access to safe drinking water and sanitation. But this percentage varies from region to region. In Tibesti for example, in the far north of the country, only between 5 and 18% of people have access to safe drinking water. 19'000 Chadians including 15'900 children under five die each year from diarrhoea. Some 90% of these deaths are down to unclean water and poor sanitation and hygiene. The country currently consumes 1'269 million m3 of water annually. Agriculture alone consumes over a billion m3. Integrated water management is crucial for Chad.

Did the situation regarding water resources and water management in Chad change during the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) from 2000-2015?

The MDGs were included in the country's national policy and translated into strategic objectives.

A master plan for water and sanitation (SDEA) was introduced. Since Chad had fallen behind in this sector, it helped make the efforts to catch up more coherent and visible. With support from its partners, the Chadian government irrigated new areas and installed new drinking-water facilities. Approximately 15'000 additional hectares of irrigated agricultural land was created and access to safe drinking water increased from 21 to 52% between 2000 and 2015.

However, only a small share of the country's population has benefited from these activities. A country in the Sahel, Chad is also suffering the negative impacts from climate change. Forty years ago, Lake Chad covered 25'000 km2. Today its surface area is under 2'000 km2. Some experts say the drying up of the lake has opened up new land for farming to feed a population that has quadrupled in the region. But for how much longer? The people who settle on Lake Chad are fleeing the negative impacts of climate change in the regions where they come from.

How can the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development improve water management and conservation?

The 2030 Agenda creates hope for Chad. The country has come up with its own contribution called ‘Le Tchad que nous voulons’ (The Chad We Want), which is supported by the president. The national programme of action is organised in three five-year plans. The 2016–2020 plan, which is currently being developed, includes major efforts to improve access to water. Over 11 billion dollars will be allocated to two programmes to develop access to water and promote intensive farming that uses water efficiently. Priority will be given to disadvantaged areas and new sources of financing are encouraged.

What points in particular does Chad need to address to achieve goal 6 – ensure availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all – by 2030?

To achieve goal 6 on the 2030 Agenda, Chad needs to intensify its efforts to keep up with its own annual population growth rate of 1.89%. To do that, the country needs to gain better knowledge of its own resources and various needs. Chad must support pastoral livestock farming and expand irrigation and access to livestock watering points to mitigate climate risks. Forest and aquatic ecosystems must be protected. Installing new water facilities in towns and villages will increase access to drinking water.

Nigeria: Boko Haram: children among villagers burned to death in Nigeria attack

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Source: Guardian
Country: Nigeria

More than 80 killed after fighters from the Islamist group razed the village of Dalori in northern Nigeria, shooting people and setting fire to homes

Scores of people, including children, have been killed in a Nigerian town by Boko Haram fighters who shot at villagers and set fire to their homes in the latest deadly attack by the Islamist militant group.

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Nigeria: Nigeria: Events of 2015

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Source: Human Rights Watch
Country: Nigeria

Relatively peaceful presidential and gubernatorial elections in March and April 2015 marked a positive shift in Nigeria’s history of political violence. However, the inauguration of President Muhammadu Buhari has not diminished the potency of the country’s serious human rights challenges. Violence and insecurity persist in the northeast despite the recapture, from the militant group Boko Haram, of dozens of towns and the rescue of over 1,000 hostages by Nigerian and neighboring countries’ forces. The name Boko Haram means “Western education is forbidden.”

Boko Haram carried out probably its most vicious attacks in January around Baga, a fishing settlement in Borno state, northeast Nigeria, killing at least 2,000 people and sacking the military base of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF). More than 9,500 civilians have died in the conflict and the number of displaced people has increased from just over 1 million at the end of 2014 to almost 2 million in 2015. Nigerian security forces have neither taken adequate steps to protect civilians during operations against Boko Haram, nor to protect the rights of rescued hostages.  

In other parts of the country, frequent violence between farmers and cattle owners in the north-central states remained unresolved in 2015. There have been few investigations or prosecutions against those responsible for the violence. The lack of justice for victims helped fuel reprisal attacks, leading to continuous cycles of violence. Impunity for human rights crimes—such as torture committed by security forces, including police—remained pervasive.

Abuses by Boko Haram 

The conflict in the northeast between the militant group Boko Haram and Nigeria’s security forces grew more deadly in 2015. By the beginning of the year, Boko Haram had seized control of 17 local government areas (LGAs) across parts of the northeast in Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, and Yobe states. LGAs are the third and lowest level, after federal and state levels, in Nigeria’s administrative structure.

Security forces from Nigeria and its neighbors have since regained control of most of the towns, but the rebels remained active in many rural areas. In July, the governors of Borno and Yobe states said that Boko Haram retained control of a total of five LGAs in their states. An estimated 3,500 died in the conflict in 2015, while most of the 2 million displaced people live with limited access to basic rights like food, shelter, and healthcare.

The horrific attack in Baga and on the nearby MNJTF headquarters was followed by repeated attempts by Boko Haram in January and February to seize military installations in Maiduguri and Monguno, both in Borno state. Increasing cross-border attacks led to an African Union sanctioned renewal of the MNJTF agreement and the mobilization of forces from Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. Boko Haram violence intensified in more than 200 attacks against communities in these countries since February, apparently in retaliation for the involvement of their security forces in military operations.

The group also continued to attack schools, abduct hundreds of women, and increase its use of children as suicide bombers. On July 26, in a style typical of Boko Haram bombings, a 10-year-old girl blew herself up in a busy market in Damaturu, Yobe state, killing at least 15 and injuring 46. Government forces managed to rescue over 1,300 hostages, but none of the 219 missing school girls abducted by the insurgents in April 2014. Some of the rescued people have been held in military facilities since May with little clarity about their status as victims or detainees. 

Conduct of Security Forces

Nigerian authorities have yet to open credible investigations into allegations of heavy-handed and abusive response to the insurgency by security forces. Since 2009, hundreds of men and boys in the northeast have been rounded up and detained in inhumane conditions for suspected membership or provision of support for Boko Haram.

There are also allegations of use of excessive force, and inadequate civilian protection measures, including for Boko Haram hostages, by the military in the ongoing operations in the northeast. When the Nigerian army drove at high speed into Sambisa Forest Reserve in late April, some Boko Haram hostages, mostly women and children, were crushed by moving trucks. Survivors said soldiers did not issue instructions on how the hostages could avoid danger.

Abusive conduct by security forces is not limited to the northeast. On April 11, during the gubernatorial elections, soldiers allegedly killed four voters at a polling unit in Bayan Dutse, Kebbi state, northwest Nigeria.

Authorities have rarely prosecuted members of the police and military implicated in abuses. While some soldiers have been prosecuted in military tribunals for offences such as cowardice and mutiny, the pervasive culture of impunity means almost no one has been held to account for human rights crimes.

In apparent recognition of these problems, President Buhari appointed new leadership for the military. He also moved the command and control center of the military from Abuja to Maiduguri—the epicenter of the conflict.

In July and September, the military released 310 people, including women and children, from detention in Borno and Yobe states who had been detained without charges for at least two years. Also, in May, Nigeria endorsed the Safe Schools Declaration, thus expressing a commitment to implement the _Guidelines on Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use_.

These steps have fallen short of Buhari’s inauguration promise to reform the military. Disappointingly, he claimed during a July visit to Washington D.C. that the application of the United States Leahy Law amendment, which bars US support to abusive units of foreign military forces, has served to aid Boko Haram.

Local vigilante groups assisting Nigerian security forces to apprehend the militants and repel attacks are also implicated in the recruitment and use of child soldiers, as well as the ill-treatment and unlawful killing of Boko Haram suspects.

Inter-Communal and Political Violence

In Nigeria’s volatile “Middle-Belt” region, years of economic and political tensions between ethnic and religious communities repeatedly erupted in uncontrolled violence in 2015. The violence is fueled by competition for power and access to land between nomadic and farming communities. Mobs have killed many of their victims based simply on ethnic or religious identity.

Nigerian authorities have failed to address the root causes of the violence and rarely prosecuted those responsible, including the police or military implicated in serious abuses. On May 2, 2015, according to media reports and local sources, security forces killed at least 28 people when they attacked the Langtang and Wase communities following the killings of six soldiers a few days earlier.

Public Sector Corruption

Corruption and weak governance undermine the enjoyment of basic human rights for many Nigerians who live in abject poverty. High unemployment rates—along with public sector corruption and insecurity—were major issues in the March national elections. President Buhari came into power on an anti-corruption platform, promising to confront corruption and lack of transparency in government business.

A number of senior officials in the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan have been arrested and faced prosecution by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), since President Buhari’s inauguration in May. The agency was in turn controversially accused in August of mismanaging and embezzling funds recovered from people convicted of corruption. On November 9, 2015 Ibrahim Lamorde, the EFCC chairman, was replaced by Ibrahim Mustafa Magu, appointed in an acting capacity.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity

The passage of the so-called Same-Sex Marriage Prohibition Act in January 2014—which banned “gay clubs and organizations,” support for such organizations, and public display of affection between same-sex couples—has had a chilling effect on freedom of expression for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people, human rights organizations, writers, and others. Organizations have reported cases of blackmail, evictions, and fear of seeking health care since the law’s passage.

Under pre-existing laws, “carnal knowledge against the order of nature” is punishable by 14 years in prison. In 12 northern states where Sharia law is in effect, homosexual acts are punishable by imprisonment, caning, or death by stoning. Activists are unaware of recent cases in which the death penalty has been implemented. Police arrested 12 men on homosexuality charges in Kano state in January and 21 men in Oyo state in May, though all were subsequently released hours later.                                                             

Freedom of Expression, Media, and Freedom of Association

While media remains largely free and vibrant, Nigeria retains outdated criminal law provisions that impede freedom of speech and expression. Journalists also frequently suffer intimidation and harassment related to their work.

On May 29, _Daily_ _Trust_ journalist Joseph Hir was beaten, allegedly by supporters of the Nassarawa state governor for writing a “negative” about the governor. A month later, Yomi Olomofe, executive director of _Prime_ magazine, and McDominic Nkpemenyie, a correspondent with _Tide_ newspaper, were severely beaten and injured by a group of people at Seme customs border post in Lagos. The group was allegedly upset by previous unfavorable reports of their activities by the journalists.

Key International Actors

International actors, notably the United Kingdom, United States, and United Nations, have expressed optimism in their support of the new government’s reform agenda on security and public sector corruption. The UK, US, UN, and the European Union assisted Nigeria in achieving a peaceful outcome in the March elections.

The UK provides a substantial package of military, intelligence, development, and humanitarian assistance to Nigeria and its neighbors in confronting the Boko Haram challenge. In July, US Deputy Secretary of State Anthony Blinken said the US would deepen its support of Nigeria to develop a comprehensive approach committed to human rights in responding to Boko Haram. Blinken was visiting Nigeria ahead of President Buhari’s trip to Washington D.C. later that month.

Ban Ki-moon, the UN secretary general, during a visit in August, noted that “respect for human rights has been most visibly challenged in the context of the Boko Haram threat.” He urged the government to ensure its counterterrorism response is not “counterproductive.” During an update to the UN Human Rights Council in June, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein said in relation to Boko Haram, Nigeria should adopt “a profound policy response that is grounded in the need for accountability and reconciliation.”

In January, the African Union approved the MNJTF initiated by Nigeria and its neighbor members of the Lake Chad Basin Commission. The initiative was noted by the UN Security Council in a presidential statement on Boko Haram adopted on June 28.

On November 12, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) released a report detailing six possible cases against Boko Haram and two possible cases against Nigerian security forces for crimes against humanity and war crimes in relation to the northeast insurgency. The ICC said it was continuing its “preliminary examination” of the situation in Nigeria with a focus on the adequacy of efforts to ensure accountability for serious crimes before domestic courts. 

Mali: Mali: Events of 2015

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Source: Human Rights Watch
Country: Mali

The human rights climate in Mali worsened as a result of a significant increase in violence and a marked deterioration in security, notwithstanding the June signing of a peace agreement envisioned to end the military and political crisis in the north. Attacks and violence progressively spread from the north into several southern regions and the capital, Bamako.

Throughout the year there were frequent incidents of banditry and rampant criminality; clashes between armed groups; and deadly attacks by armed Islamist groups on United Nations peacekeepers, Malian government forces, and to a lesser extent, civilians. The violence severely undermined the delivery of humanitarian aid. Government forces responded to the attacks with military operations that on several occasions resulted in arbitrary arrests, executions, torture, and other mistreatment.

Malian authorities made scant effort to investigate and hold accountable those implicated in serious abuses committed during the 2012-2013 armed conflict. The release in 2015 of some 70 men from detention, including some implicated in serious violations, raised concern of a de facto amnesty.

Rule of law institutions countrywide were weak, in part due to unprofessional practices, such as the solicitation of bribes, and inadequate budgetary allocations for the criminal justice system. Corruption, endemic at all levels of government, further impeded Malians’ access to basic health care and education. There was little progress in security sector and justice reform or in addressing development challenges, such as the delivery of basic healthcare and education.

Concerns about the deteriorating security situation and the movement south of armed groups allegedly linked to Al Qaeda generated sustained diplomatic interest in Mali. The French government played a key role in military matters, the European Union (EU) on training and security sector reform, and the UN, through the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), on rule of law and political stability. However, these actors were largely reluctant to publicly call for investigations into past and ongoing crimes.

Abuses by Armed Groups in the North

Throughout 2015, armed groups linked to Al-Qaeda, along with opposing ethnic Tuareg and Arab groups, engaged in numerous clashes, attacks on Malian soldiers and neutral peacekeepers, and to a lesser extent, on aid workers and other civilians. Many civilians were wounded or killed either in these attacks or by landmines and improvised explosive devices on major roads. Groups arbitrarily detained and often mistreated combatants from opposing sides.

The attacks by Islamist armed groups increased in the north and spread into central and southern Mali. Attacks occurred in Mopti, Segou, Sikasso, and Koulikoro regions as well as Bamako, where Islamist assailants killed five in a March attack on a nightclub, and at least 18, including many foreigners, during a November attack on an upscale hotel. An attack in August on a hotel in the army garrison town of Sevare, in central Mali, killed five civilians including four UN contractors. These groups executed at least 13 civilians accused of being informants for the government, the majority in central Mali.

In 2015, there were at least 30 attacks by armed men on humanitarian agencies, hampering their efforts to deliver aid. In March, a driver with the International Committee of the Red Cross was killed when their clearly marked truck was ambushed by an Islamist armed group.

At least 10 UN peacekeepers were killed in 2015 after being deliberately targeted by Islamist armed groups, bringing the number to 42 killed since MINUSMA’s creation in 2013. Armed groups took responsibility for many of these attacks, including an attack in July that killed six peacekeepers from Burkina Faso.

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) at time of writing, held two foreign hostages: one from Sweden, and a dual British and South African national. AQIM released a French hostage in December 2014, and French forces freed a Dutch hostage in a military operation in April 2015.

Abuses by State Security Forces

Government forces committed numerous violations against suspected supporters and members of Islamist armed groups. Violations included arbitrary detention, torture and other ill-treatment, and extrajudicial execution. The most frequent and serious abuse was meted out by army soldiers and members of the pro-government militia Groupe Autodéfense Touareg Imghad et Alliés (GATIA), largely targeting men from the Peuhl and Tuareg ethnic groups. In May, GATIA militiamen allegedly executed six Tuareg men including a humanitarian worker in the northern village of Tin Hamma.

The abuse usually stopped after detainees were handed over to government gendarmes, who increasingly fulfilled their mandated role as provost marshal. The military made little effort to investigate and hold to account soldiers or militiamen implicated in violations. Members of the security forces, notably the army, were also implicated in acts of extortion, bribe taking, and theft, mostly from detainees.

Accountability for Abuses during the 2012-2013 Armed Conflict

The government made little progress in holding to account those from all warring factions responsible for law-of-war violations committed during the 2012-2013 armed conflict. With few exceptions, judicial authorities failed to investigate over 100 complaints filed by victims and family members. Moreover, the 2012 torture and enforced disappearance of 21 elite “Red Berets,” which in 2013 and 2014 resulted in charges against some 25 soldiers, including former coup leader Gen. Amadou Haya Sanogo, had, at time of writing, failed to move past the investigations phase.

During 2015, the authorities freed at least 74 detainees, including several allegedly implicated in serious international crimes during the 2012-2013 armed conflict. The releases, characterized by the government as a “confidence-building measure” in the context of negotiations, were carried out without regard to whether the men might have been responsible for serious crimes. The peace accord lacked provisions to address impunity and the need for justice for serious crimes committed by all sides during the conflict.

On September 18, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued its first arrest warrant in the context of its Mali investigation. On September 26, Ahmad Al Mahdi Al Faqi was surrendered to the ICC from Niger after being charged with the destruction of historical monuments, the first case of its kind before the ICC. In July 2012, Mali, a state party to the ICC, referred “the situation in Mali since January 2012” to the ICC prosecutor for investigation.

Truth and Reconciliation Mechanism

In 2014, President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta established the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission by executive order. The Commission will have a three year mandate, covering the period from 1960 to 2013. It is to consist of 15 members and seven working groups. It will function under the Ministry of National Reconciliation and Development of the North. In August, the government appointed Ousmane Oumarou Sidibé as Chair of the Commission; however, his appointment and the credibility of the body were limited due to the government’s failure to consult sufficiently with a wide variety of stakeholders on the Commission’s membership, mandate powers, and degree of independence.

Judiciary 

During 2015, there was some progress in ensuring access to justice for residents of the northern Timbuktu, Gao, and Kidal regions, demonstrated by the continued rehabilitation of local courthouses and jails and the redeployment of prosecutors, judges, and judicial police who had fled during the armed conflict. Their ability to conduct investigations outside major towns was limited by the precarious security situation. Some judicial and corrections personnel fled their posts in central Mali after attacks by armed groups.

Neglect and mismanagement within the Malian judiciary countrywide led to striking deficiencies, including insufficient staffing and logistical constraints. These shortfalls hindered efforts to address impunity for perpetrators of all crimes, contributed to violations of the right to due process, and led to incidents of vigilante justice. For example, in March, two children suspected of planting an explosive device near a police station in Gao were beaten to death by a mob.

Due to the courts’ inability to adequately process cases, hundreds of detainees are held in extended pretrial detention in overcrowded jails and detention centers.

Recruitment of Children

Armed groups in the north continued to recruit and use child soldiers, some as young as 12 years old. During 2015, some 15 schools in the north were at various times occupied by members of the armed groups, and, to a lesser extent, government forces. Several children suspected of supporting the armed groups were detained in the Bamako Central Prison, in contravention of a 2013 protocol stipulating that children were to be placed in a care center managed by the UN Children’s Rights and Emergency Relief Organization (UNICEF).

Key International Actors

In June, the UN Security Council renewed the mandate of MINUSMA and authorized 12,680 peacekeepers, including 40 military observers. A UN inquiry into the January shooting of three men by UN policemen from Rwanda during a protest in Gao found they had used “unauthorized and excessive force.” The UN peacebuilding fund supported reconciliation and justice projects. The UN independent expert on the situation of human rights in Mali, Suliman Baldo, conducted two missions to Mali.

Algeria led peace talks, supported by members from the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the European Union, the UN, and Organization of Islamic Cooperation, as well as regional governments.

The 3,000-strong regional French operation—known as Operation Barkhane—continued operations in Mali as well as in Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad. The United States military provided logistical support to Barkhane.

The EU Training Mission in Mali continued to train soldiers, and in February established the EU Capacity Building Mission to train the police, gendarmerie, and National Guard.

MINUSMA, the UN Development Programme, the EU, the Netherlands, and Canada took the lead in programs to support the justice sector and address corruption. However, their lack of coordination undermined progress in improving the sector.

Gambia: Gambia: Events of 2015

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Source: Human Rights Watch
Country: Gambia

The government of President Yahya Jammeh, in power since a 1994 coup, frequently committed serious human rights violations including arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, and torture against those who voiced opposition to the government. The repression and abuses created a climate of fear within Gambia, generating increased attention from the international community.

State security forces most frequently implicated in violations were members of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), a paramilitary group known as the “Jungulers,” and the Gambian Police Force. Those targeted included journalists, political opponents, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people, many of whom fled Gambia out of fear.

Some of the worst abuses followed a failed coup attempt on December 30, 2014. In the days that followed, dozens of family members and friends of the alleged plotters were rounded up and held incommunicado, some for months. Three alleged coup plotters died in suspicious circumstances after being captured. In February 2014, a secret court martial, violating due process rights, convicted six soldiers of treason-related offenses. On March 30, the court sentenced three of them to death and three to life in prison.

Despite widespread allegations of serious abuses committed by the security forces over the last two decades, no members of the state security or paramilitary groups are known to have been convicted or otherwise held to account for torture, killings, or other serious violations.

In July 2015, in an unprecedented act, President Jammeh pardoned and released over 200 prisoners, including many political prisoners. Despite this, many Gambians remained in detention or are feared forcibly disappeared.

Draconian anti-gay legislation and persecution of LGBT people focused global attention on other aspects of the government’s human rights record. Gambia’s partners, notably the European Union, the United Nations, the United States, and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), were increasingly willing to denounce or take steps to address the rights climate, including by issuing public statements and conditioning assistance.

Enforced Disappearances

In January 2015, shortly after the attempted coup, Gambian authorities forcibly disappeared dozens of friends and relatives of the alleged coup plotters, including elderly parents and a 16-year-old boy. They were held incommunicado, deprived of contact with family, and denied access to lawyers for up to seven months.

The government refused to acknowledge the whereabouts or even the detention of many of them, effectively holding them outside of the protection of the law. A dozen of these family members were released as part of presidential pardons announced on July 22, the anniversary of President’s Jammeh’s 1994 coup.

In the past decade, Gambian security forces have been implicated in dozens of enforced disappearances, including of a journalist, two American-Gambian citizens, and a former army chief, all of whom remain unaccounted for.

Arbitrary Arrest and Detention

Arbitrary arrest and detention by the security services, especially the NIA and the Serious Crimes Unit within the police, continued. Among those arbitrarily detained and held beyond the 72-hour legal limit in 2015 were journalists—including Alagie Abdoulie Ceesay, the manager of Taranga FM radio station—as well as senior civil servants, ministers, and members of the security services. Many of those in detention were subjected to torture and enforced disappearance.

Torture and Other Ill-Treatment

During 2015, as in past years, numerous real or perceived government opponents were subjected to severe torture and other ill-treatment by members of the Gambian security forces and paramilitary groups. Much of the abuse appeared designed to intimidate or secure forced confessions from perceived government opponents, or to punish those who criticize the president or highlight the current administration’s policy failures.

In January, six soldiers implicated in December’s coup attempt and some of their family members were severely beaten while in detention at the NIA. In July, while arbitrarily detained at NIA headquarters for 11 days without charge, journalist Alagie Abdoulie Ceesay was forced to drink cooking oil on several occasions and beaten until he lost consciousness.

Torture methods used included severe beatings with wooden clubs, metal pipes, cables, and electric wires; slicing with bayonets; near suffocation by tying a plastic bag over the head of the victim; trampling with boots; electroshock of body parts, including genitals; and dripping melted plastic bags onto the skin. Many victims were subjected to psychological abuse such as prolonged periods in solitary confinement, mock execution, and repeated threats of torture and death.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity

Gambians who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT), or who are perceived as such, have increasingly become the target of hate speech from the president, as well as of discriminatory laws, arrest and prosecution by the authorities, and sometimes violent abuse in custody.

On October 9, 2014, the government introduced a series of new “aggravated homosexuality” offenses that impose sentences of up to life in prison. The new offenses criminalize anyone having “unlawful carnal connection with any person of the same sex,” where the person commits the offense more than once or is living with HIV, and where the “victim” has a disability. These clauses criminalize and discriminate against LGBT people living with HIV and imply that persons with disabilities cannot consent to sex.

Weeks after the new law passed, state security rounded up dozens of people on suspicion of homosexuality. Several people detained by the NIA were abused and threatened with physical violence in an attempt to force them to provide names of LGBT Gambians. The security services conducted door-to door-searches for suspected homosexuals. In a May 2015 speech, Jammeh said he would “slit the throats” of gay people in Gambia. Two men, detained for over three months at the NIA before being tried for “unnatural acts,” were acquitted in July 2015 for lack of evidence.

Freedom of Expression and Association

In 2015, the authorities continued to persecute journalists for investigating stories critical of the government, exposing human rights abuses, or producing coverage of the opposition in a seemingly favorable light. Since 1994, dozens of journalists have fled Gambia after being arbitrarily detained and often tortured. Since 2004, two journalists have been murdered or forcibly disappeared.

After the December 2014 coup attempt, state security closed down the Taranga FM radio station—regularly the target of such government closures—for four days in January. On August 5, journalist Alagie Abdoulie Ceesay was put on trial for sedition for sending an image on his mobile phone of the president, deemed by authorities to “raise discontent, hatred, or disaffection among the inhabitants of the Gambia.” In August, Al Jazeera journalists were denied permission to film and were reportedly asked to leave the country.

While many private radio and print news outlets operate in the country, editors regularly engage in self-censorship out of fear of being shut down by the government. There is no international media presence in Gambia.

Since 2013, the government has used a series of increasingly repressive laws to muzzle freedom of speech, affecting not only journalists but anyone communicating across any media, including the Internet, social media, telephones, and even in private conversations.

Gambian human rights and pro-democracy groups have very limited space to promote good governance and respect for human rights. Due to a climate of fear and highly restrictive legal and administrative frameworks, very few nongovernmental organizations operate freely in the country. Those that do avoid monitoring and reporting on rights abuses.

Key International Actors

Two United Nations special rapporteurs conducted missions to Gambia in November 2014 to investigate allegations of torture and ill-treatment, in addition to extrajudicial and unlawful killings. Both rapporteurs issued highly critical reports stating that Gambia is characterized by widespread disregard for the rule of law, infringements of civil liberties, and the existence of a repressive state apparatus. They said they encountered an atmosphere of fear and were denied access to detention centers, including the security wing of Mile 2 Prison in Banjul.

In March 2015, Gambia rejected many recommendations from the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva during its last Universal Periodic Review, including abolishing the death penalty, decriminalizing homosexuality, and removing restrictions on freedom of expression.

In February and March 2015, the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances transmitted seven cases under its urgent action procedure to the Gambian government on behalf of seven people abducted in January 2015, allegedly by the NIA.

In December 2014, EU assistance to Gambia was frozen over concerns about the country’s dire human rights situation. In June 2015, Gambia cut ties with the EU, declaring its representative in Banjul persona non grata. However, plans for resuming EU aid were under negotiation at year’s end.

The Banjul-based African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights adopted a resolution in February on the deteriorating rights situation in Gambia, calling on the government to invite the commission to conduct a fact-finding mission into events after the December 2014 attempted coup.

In May 2015, US National Security Advisor Susan Rice said she was “deeply concerned about credible reports of torture, suspicious disappearances and arbitrary detention at the government’s hands,” adding that the US government was “reviewing what additional actions are appropriate to respond to this worsening situation.”

In 2015, ECOWAS pressed Gambia to improve its human rights record and to establish a credible human rights commission.

Mali: The Sahel: Converging challenges, compounding risks - A region under high pressure (January 2016)

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Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Gambia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal

In the Sahel, extreme poverty, fast-growing populations, climate change, recurrent food and nutrition crises, armed conflicts and insecurity are building up to a perfect storm threatening the lives of communities already living on the brink of crisis.

The region is one of the world’s climate change hotspots. Increasingly unpredictable weather patterns, more frequent droughts and floods and land degradation threaten the livelihoods of a population in which the majority relies on agriculture for survival.

Environmental shocks, insecurity, chronic hunger and malnutrition have a dangerously symbiotic relationship in the Sahel. A spike in armed conflict and violence worsens the Sahel’s chronic hardship and has led to new peaks in displacement across the region. Lack of opportunities and unemployment, deteriorating security, economic and social inequality expose youths to risks of radicalization and recruitment. Many seek brighter prospects elsewhere, fueling the global migration crisis.

Faced with serious threats, Governments risk channeling more resources to address security challenges at the expense of social development. Past gains and future development prospects are at stake. If these challenges remain unaddressed, the prospects for the region are dire, and the most vulnerable communities will suffer the most.

Nigeria: Donors pledge $250 million to fight Boko Haram

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Source: Agence France-Presse
Country: Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia | AFP | Monday 2/1/2016 - 13:15 GMT

Donors at the African Union summit pledged on Monday $250 million (229 million euros) for the fight against Boko Haram insurgents, AU Peace and Security Council chief Smail Chergui said.

Boko Haram, facing the heat of a military onslaught in Nigeria, has in the past year stepped up cross-border attacks in Niger, Chad and Cameroon, while continuing shooting and suicide assaults on markets, mosques and other mostly civilian targets within Nigeria itself.

Despite offensives by the regional force with troops from Benin, Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria, the Islamist jihadists maintain strongholds in areas that are difficult to access.

But Chergui praised the success of the force at the close of an AU summit on Sunday, saying territory had been wrested back.

"Great results have been achieved and we must consolidate these gains," he said.

Chergui said $110 million came from Nigeria, with the European Union offering 50 million euros, as well as donations from Britain and Switzerland.

Chad's President Idriss Deby, the African Union chairman, said it was crucial the money pledged was actually paid to show "our firm commitment in the fight against terrorism."

Nigerian Foreign Minister Geoffrey Onyeama said gains had been made but much more needed to be done.

"Boko Haram is no longer able to operate freely as in the past or control territories as they did," he said.

"We are making tremendous progress in this battle, but we still need to remain vigilant, we need to share information and cooperate."

str/pjm/ach

© 1994-2016 Agence France-Presse

Mauritania: UNHCR/WFP Joint Assessment Mission: Malian Refugees in Mauritania, September 2015

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Source: World Food Programme, UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Country: Mali, Mauritania

I: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The UNHCR/WFP Joint Assessment Mission (JAM) 2015 for Malian refugees in Mauritania was carried out from 31 August to 7 September 2015 in Mberra refugee camp and four key host communities with the participation of nine key partners. The objective of the Mission was to: a) assess the current food security and nutrition situation; b) evaluate the refugees’ capacity for self-reliance c) appraise the impact and appropriateness of assistance programmes; and d) develop a strategy and a Joint Plan of Action for 2016-2017. The Mission relied on secondary data for quantitative information, while the field visits focused on collecting qualitative information from a wide variety of sources and perspectives. The Mission also assessed basic social service provision, protection, security and the environment, as they directly and indirectly affect food security and malnutrition.

Mauritania currently hosts 50,102 refugees in Mberra camp while thousands of others reside in host communities and urban centres around the country. The majority of registered refugees are women and children of Arab and Touareg ethnicity and originate from the Timbuktu region of Mali and are mainly of pastoralist and nomadic backgrounds. Due to continued insecurity in northern Mali they do not envisage their return in the short or medium term; nor do they envisage their local integration in the long term.

A well-coordinated and comprehensive protection and assistance programme has been put in place to support Malian refugees. The concerted efforts of actors involved in nutrition, food assistance and public health programmes have contributed to the reduction of global acute malnutrition rates from 20 to 9.9 percent and of severe acute malnutrition rates from 5.9 to 0.8 percent between 2012 and 2014.
However, irregular and incomplete food distributions in 2015 provided refugees with an average of 1,340 kcal per day or 63 percent of their 2,000 kcal food ration entitlements. This greatly impacted the food security of the majority of refugee households who rely on food assistance as their main source of food and/or income. This led to slight increase in admissions in moderate acute malnutrition centres compared to 2014.

Many refugees also adopted negative coping mechanisms to cover their basic food needs, in particular by incurring debts and selling some of their assets which have compounded overtime; leading to increased tensions within and between households and communities. Increased food insecurity also exposed more people, in particular women and youth to protection risks and concerns, while adult males and youth are increasingly leaving the camp to seek employment elsewhere. Children from the poorest households are increasingly being withdrawn from school to support their parents in generating income.

Malian refugees in Mauritania enjoy freedom of movement and have access to natural resources such as land, pasture and water and also have the opportunity to work and trade. However, they are hosted in the most vulnerable region of the country where 44 percent of households are food insecure (FSMS, 2015), due to successive years of drought, poor infrastructure and inaccessibility. The refugees now outnumber the local population by a ratio of 6 to 1, and have strained natural resources, in particular pastures, water and firewood, leading to environmental degradation and increased tension with the host population. Although programmes to support refugee self-reliance through income generation activities, household food production and literacy and training programmes have been effective in improving the livelihoods of the participants, they remain limited in scope and scale in relation to the actual need.

Refugees are unable to entirely subsist on the revenue or production from these schemes and require food assistance to meet their basic food needs. The current general food distribution ration should be maintained and supplemented with a cash ration of 2,000 UAM to cover for the 100 kcal ration deficit as well transportation and cooking fuel costs. The strategy over the next year should focus on sustaining the current quality of nutrition and public health programmes; reinforcing and expanding self-reliance programmes; providing comprehensive support to vulnerable groups and people with special needs; promoting literacy and school enrolment; and implementing joint programmes with the host community for livestock production, water management and environmental protection.

Many shortfalls identified during the JAM were as a direct result of funding shortfalls of 87 percent for UNHCR and 30 percent for WFP. Late contributions led to pipeline breaks for WFP while UNHCR had to limit or reduce many of its programmes. In order to implement the JAM recommendations for 2016-2017, a concerted resource mobilization strategy is necessary to maintain the refugees’ food security.

II: INTRODUCTION

a) background

Following the arrival of Malian refugees in Mauritania in 2012 a tripartite Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between UNHCR, WFP and the Government of Mauritania, represented by the Commissariat a la Sécurité Alimentaire (CSA) to provide food assistance to refugees. The general objectives of the provision of food assistance is to save lives and protect the livelihoods of the refugees in an emergency context, with the specific objectives of: improving the food intake of refugees by providing food assistance in sufficient quantities to women, men, boys and girls in safe and secure environment and reducing malnutrition rates amongst children aged 6 to 59 months, as well as pregnant and lactating women.

A year after the outbreak of the crisis, WFP and UNHCR conducted a Joint Assessment Mission (JAM) in May 2013 to assess the food security and nutrition situation of Malian refugees in Mberra camp and of the host communities in surrounding villages by: analyzing their food and nutrition status; reviewing the quality and relevance of the food and nutrition assistance provided; and elaborating a joint plan of action for 2014-2015. The findings and recommendations of the 2013 JAM were critical in defining the strategy and mobilizing other key actors in providing a more comprehensive food and nutrition assistance programme to Malian refugees.

Since 2013 several activities were put in place to improve the food security and livelihood of refugees with a high rate of success. The most notable of these achievements has been the development of a comprehensive multi-sectoral nutrition strategy following several joint SMART/SENS surveys that has led to the reduction of global acute malnutrition (GAM) rates from 20 percent [17.2 - 23.1] to 9.9 percent [7.6 -12.8] and severe acute malnutrition (SAM) rates from 5.9 percent [4.4 -7.9] to 0.8 percent [0.3 - 2.1] between July 2012 and October 2014. The nutrition surveys attributed the improvement of malnutrition rates to the joint efforts of various sectors and actors, including the provision of high quantities and quality of water; the provision of food assistance; hygiene promotion activities; improved food preparation and feeding practices and adequate health services. During this period the food distribution modality was changed from “group” distributions through camp committee leaders to “scooping” to individual households and a food basket monitoring system was put in place. In addition, blanket feeding programmes were expanded to children from 6 to 59 months of age and pregnant and lactating women and a school feeding programme was introduced. Post Distribution Monitoring (PDM) exercises and a Household Economy Approach (HEA) analysis noted that the provision of free education and free health care services enabled refugee households to save a greater part of their ration for consumption rather than trading it to pay for school fees and medication.

Over the past two years, pilot and small scale programmes were introduced to improve household food security and promote refugee livelihoods, through self-reliance programmes that focused on income generation activities (IGA) such as petty trading and artisanal production, promoting household food production through the development of communal and individual vegetable gardens and the provision of dairy goats to vulnerable households as well as through education and training programmes providing adult literacy and training for income-generation activities. Other household food security programmes included a pilot programme that provided cash to supplement general food distributions for vulnerable households, in order for them to supplement their food intake with more preferred or nutritious commodities and pay for the transportation of their rations and cooking fuel.

Overall, a comprehensive and coordinated programme has been put in place over the last three years to address the overall nutrition, food security and livelihood needs of the Malian refugees, despite several challenges and a severe funding gap of 87 percent for UNHCR’s Malian refugee programme in Mauritania in 2015, and of 30 percent for WFP’s Emergency Operation (EMOP) for refugees. This resulted in many programmes being limited in scale and scope relative to the actual need as well as irregular and incomplete food ration distributions, especially in 2015.
The perceived stabilization of humanitarian programmes, coupled with the relative integration of the refugees into the social and economic fabric of their host country, as well as the resumption of cross border movements with Mali for transhumance and commercial activities, led the international community to believe that it was now time to move away from general food distribution activities in an emergency context, to a more targeted food assistance programme. This would include the consolidation of self-reliance programmes for durable solutions for household food security over the next two years. It is in this light that a Joint Assessment Mission was commissioned for 2015 prior to the elaboration of strategy for 2016-2017 for the two agencies and their key partners.

Chad: Tchad: Revue de presse hebdomadaire de la représentation de la FAO au Tchad, Semaines du 25 au 31 janvier 2016

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Source: Food and Agriculture Organization
Country: Chad


World: Humanitarian Funding Update January 2016 - United Nations Coordinated Appeals

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Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Gambia, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Iraq, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Myanmar, Niger, Nigeria, occupied Palestinian territory, Senegal, Somalia, South Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Ukraine, World, Yemen

Currently, the humanitarian response plans and appeals for 2016 are seeking over $19.8 billion to meet the needs of 89.4 million people across 37 countries. The figures may increase in the course of 2016. As of 29 January, $50 million has been received for the appeals.

In January 2015, the UN-coordinated inter-agency appeals required $16.4 billion to meet the needs of 57.5 million people across 22 countries.
The year ended with requirements at $19.9 billion, an increase of $3.5 billion, to meet the needs of 82 million people in 38 countries.

As of 29 January, 21 humanitarian response plans (HRPs) and six refugee response plans (RRPs) for 2016 have been published. Eighteen of them are already being tracked by the Financial Tracking Service (FTS). Of these, early recipients of funding include: Nigeria (4 per cent funded), Cameroon (3 per cent), Niger (2 per cent), Libya, Chad and Somalia (all at 1 per cent).
Further response plans are being finalised and will be available online in the coming weeks.

Sectors benefitting from early funding have been those of agriculture, protection and human rights, shelter and non-food items, water and sanitation, food and health.

So far in 2016, the global humanitarian reported contributions are over $1.3 billion, with approximately $261 million in outstanding pledges. These contributions are reported towards bilateral funding, the Red Cross movement, and other funding mechanisms including for NGOs outside the UN-coordinated appeals framework.

As reported to FTS, the UN coordinated appeals have been consistently funded on average at 62 per cent regardless of the total requirement per year, and despite its five-fold increase over the last five years. 2015 saw the lowest coverage, closing the year at 53 percent (there may be adjustments to these final figures). The total funds received increased by 93 percent from $5.6 billion in 2011 to a highest $10.8 billion in 2014. It is expected that FTS will receive more funding reports attributed to 2015 appeals over the course of this year. All donors and operational partners are encouraged to report their contributions to FTS in a timely manner to ensure an up-to-date reflection of the funding status.

Meanwhile by 29 January, donors had pledged almost $250 million towards the CERF for 2016, of which some $76 million has already been received. In January, CERF allocated almost $9 million in rapid response grants and an additional $100 million to sustain life-saving relief for up to 4.5 million people in nine severely underfunded crises where levels of vulnerability are alarmingly high and available resources for humanitarian response are critically low.

Cameroon: Bulletin d’information mensuel, décembre 2015 - janvier 2016

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Source: Médecins Sans Frontières
Country: Cameroon

Nos opérations en bref:

Les équipes de Médecins Sans Frontières qui interviennent dans la région de l’Extrême-Nord ont fait face à une diminution importante des activités médicales, ceci en raison de la régression du pic de paludisme. Celle-ci a été observée dans la majorité des sites d’interventions engendrant parfois des baisses d’admissions estimées à plus de 50%. Néanmoins, le paludisme sévère est restée la principale pathologie enregistrée et un pic persistant a même été observé dans la ville de Mora dû à la persistance de nombreux gîtes parasitaires dans la ville.

Au cours des mois de novembre et décembre derniers, le contexte sécuritaire s’est fortement dégradé près de la frontière. Une dizaine d’attaques suicides se sont déroulées et de nombreux centres de santé ont été pillés, notamment dans le district de santé de Mora où MSF est présente, ainsi que dans les districts de santé voisins. Cela a eu pour conséquence une psychose et des mesures drastiques de sécurité qui rendent difficile le déplacement des populations pour les centres hospitaliers.

Avec la fin de la saison pluvieuse, l’approvisionnement en eau potable en quantité suffisante dans le camp de Minawao va une fois de plus être difficile. Les équipes de MSF observent également une réduction de la quantité d’eau distribué qui est passée de 700m3/ jour à 500m3.

Dans la région de l’Est, une baisse d’admissiosn a été observée en ce qui concerne la prise en charge des cas de malnutrition en ambulatoire dans la localité de Gbiti où les nouveaux réfugiés restent nos principaux bénéficiaires.

World: The Assessor, Issue 43, October – December 2015

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Source: World Food Programme
Country: Armenia, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of the Congo, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Lebanon, Malawi, Mali, Niger, Paraguay, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Syrian Arab Republic, World, Zimbabwe

Welcome to Issue 43 of THE ASSESSOR, WFP’s Food Security Analysis e-Newsletter!

• “VAM Talks” Podcast Goes Live

• mVAM in Malawi

• ALNAP Case Study on mVAM

• El Niño Implications and Scenarios for 2015/16

• Focus on the El Niño impact in the Southern African Region

• Market Analysis

• Food Security Information Network

• Emergency Food Security Assessments

• Baseline Studies

• Inter-Agency Work

• Capacity Development and Guidance

• Gender Analysis in VAM

• Focus on Latin America and the Caribbean

Ethiopia: Building gender sensitive resilience through women's economic empowerment: lessons learned from pastoralist women in Ethiopia

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Source: Oxfam
Country: Ethiopia

This paper explores how the overlap of a double marginalized identity produces particular disadvantages for pastoralist women in Ethiopia, and how an Oxfam intervention in the Somali region is addressing the connection between these disadvantages and poverty and power.

In addition to ethnicity, age, or disability, gender in the Somali region of Ethiopia strongly intersects with pastoralism, a predominant livelihood in East Africa and the Horn. Pastoralist communities live in an arid and semi-arid environment characterized by major external risks such as recurrent droughts and recently, flooding, which differently affect pastoralist men and women.

Chad: Revue de Presse Humanitaire au Tchad, du 19 janvier au 1er février 2016

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Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: Chad

Avant-propos

Les articles sélectionnés dans cette revue de presse ont pour but d’informer sur la situation humanitaire au Tchad ou sur le contexte général. Cette sélection d'articles ne reflète pas nécessairement la position d’OCHA-Tchad. Merci de tenir compte de cette réserve.

LES TITRES

  • Tchad: la famine guette 10.000 réfugiés et déplacés qui ont fui Boko Haram (Agence Anadolu, 28/01/16)

  • L’UNICEF lance un appel humanitaire de 2,8 milliards de dollars pour les enfants (UNICEF, 26/01/16)

  • Le HCR et ses partenaires ont besoin de plus de 500 millions de dollars US pour les réfugiés nigérians et centrafricains (HCR, 25/01/16)

  • "Water is a huge paradox in Chad" (Swiss Development and Cooperation, 22/01/16)

  • Donors pledge $250 million to fight Boko Haram (AFP, 01/02/16)

  • Tchad : la présidentielle aura lieu le 10 avril (AFP, 23/01/16)

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